Table Of Content„BETWEEN TWO LIVES’
PARENTING AND IMPACTS ON
ACADEMIC, PROFESSIONAL
ACHIEVEMENTS AND SOCIO-
EMOTIONAL OUTCOMES FOR
BRITISH-GHANAIANS
LOUISE OWUSU-KWARTENG
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the
requirements of the University of Greenwich
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
November 2010
1
DECLARATION
I certify that this work has not been accepted in substance for any degree and is not
concurrently being submitted for any degree other than Doctor of Philosophy being studied at
the University of Greenwich. I also declare that this work is the result of my own
investigations except where otherwise identified by references and that I have not plagiarised
another‟s work.
Signed…………………………………………………………………………..Supervisor
Signed………………………………………………………………………….......Student
th
Date: 16 November 2010
2
ABSTRACT
Between Two Lives: Parenting, Education and Achievement of British-
Ghanaian Students
Research undertaken within the Sociology of Education frequently highlights concerns about
the underachievement of Black students in education and, later, within the labour market.
Yet, there are a number of shortcomings associated with research in this area. Firstly, there is
a tendency to homogenise the achievement levels of all Black students. Thus observations
made about the outcomes of African-Caribbean students are often applied to all other Black
groups. When distinctions between African and African Caribbean groups have been made,
the achievement levels of students from different African backgrounds are often merged,
creating a misleading impression of their different academic outcomes. Secondly, studies
seeking to provide explanations for the low attainment levels of Black students are often
critical of life within Black families, in particular their assumed use of an „authoritarian‟
parenting style, which is seen as creating psychological problems in children and as hindering
their achievement. Effectively, such notions serve to pathologise Black families in Britain.
This thesis presents a critique of existing studies concerning Black families in Britain and the
academic achievement of Black (African) children, and also seeks to address existing gaps in
the knowledge about Black Africans residing in Britain. Life history interviews were
conducted with 25 British-Ghanaians who have achieved highly in their academic and
professional pursuits. The findings suggest that not all parents adopted an „authoritarian‟
approach when raising their children, and that those who did were influenced by their own
socialisation experiences in Ghana. While some respondents experienced some socio-
emotional problems resulting from their „authoritarian‟ socialisation, these were generally
resolved and did not have a long-term impact on their attainment. The thesis also suggests
that the use of discipline, associated with this parenting style, may have had some beneficial
effects in relation to respondents‟ academic and professional outcomes.
Louise Owusu-Kwarteng
Greenwich 2010
3
CONTENTS
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: The Second Generation: Predictors of academic and
professional achievement 15
Chapter 2: Methodology 56
Chapter 3: A Historical Background to Ghanaian Education 93
Chapter 4: Findings: Parent-Child Relationships 133
Chapter 5: Findings: Academic and Professional Outcomes 170
Chapter 6: Findings: Socio-Emotional Outcomes 204
Conclusion 234
Bibliography 246
Appendices
Appendix I: Information for Research Participants
Appendix II: Participant Consent Form
Appendix III: Interview Questions
Appendix IV: Sample Interview
4
5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The research and writing I undertook as part of this thesis has been a valuable experience in
terms of academic, personal and emotional growth- although, at times, it did feel like an
uphill battle. As a renowned academic commented in relation to his own PhD, which for a
multitude of reasons took longer than he had originally envisaged, it was either a case of the
thesis getting the better of him, or vice versa. He got the better of the thesis and I decided to
do the same! However, I could not have done so without the help of a number of people
along the way. These people include my supervisors Professor Patrick Ainley who provided
encouragement, support and guidance and „promoted‟ my work to others in the field, Dr
Linnell Secomb, who has exceeded her role as a supervisor, providing me with continual
academic and emotional support and Dr Doug Stuart who has also provided invaluable
assistance and has always encouraged me to completion. My colleagues in the Sociology
Department must also be acknowledged here. Dr Sally Mann has been emotionally
supportive and provided many useful academic insights that have enhanced my work. Dr
Craig Morris has also provided useful and supportive advice, which has been invaluable.
I would also like to give my heartfelt thanks to my brothers, Felix and Anthony Owusu-
Kwarteng, my sister Sylvia Owusu-Nepaul and her children Jovan, Ebony and Jaden, my
sister-in-law Fiona Cheetham and my brother-in-law Elvis Nepaul, all of whom in their
different ways have kept me sane throughout this process. Sincere thanks also go to my three
cousins Abena Yeboah, Nana and Koby Gyasi and to all of my extended family members and
friends who have all been wonderfully supportive.
My parents, Peter and Dora Owusu-Kwarteng have been extremely influential in relation to
this thesis. Their childhood and migrational experiences, and the effects of these factors on
my generation are a central concern of my research. Moreover, they have instilled in me a
number of values that have been extremely beneficial and have enabled me to get to where I
am today. This thesis is dedicated to them with thanks and gratitude.
6
Introduction
On a yearly basis at my school, we had a careers „interview‟ with a counsellor. At these
meetings, there were discussions about possibilities for the future based on how we were
progressing academically. It was at one of these meetings during my sixth form that I had an
experience that seriously impacted on my academic trajectory and interests. During that year,
I, like many others in the group, had been struggling to make the transition from GCSE to
A‟Level. This was in no small measure due to the way that we were being taught. In my own
case, it was also a result of learning in a „mechanistic‟ way. Nevertheless, this was not to say
that, eventually, I would not have overcome the hurdle. However, this had made me
somewhat apprehensive about attending the careers meeting and I was concerned about what
the outcome would be. My fears were also intensified because friends who had been to see
this particular counsellor told me that he had made sexist and racist comments. One girl who
was interested in joining the police was advised not to on account of the fact that she was
female. Another who had a flair for biology and sought a career in genetics was informed that
she would be „better off going into business because of her Asian background‟. In spite of
these comments and views, this particular careers counsellor remained in the school because
„he was excellent and had lots of experience‟, as our Head continually informed us.
One morning towards the end of January 1993, I was called out of class to go to the meeting.
As I walked down the corridors towards the meeting room my stomach began to turn.
Nevertheless, I attempted to remain outwardly calm as I entered the room because I did not
want him to think that he could intimidate me. The first comments made by the counsellor
were about my GCSE grades, and how they „weren‟t that good, but it‟s a good job that you
re-took and got a couple more.‟ (By that time I had obtained 7 A-C grades, which was far
better than the national average.) The second and perhaps the biggest blow came shortly after.
He asked about my „intentions for the future‟. When I told him that I intended to go to
7
university he drew his chair close to me, near enough so that I could smell the cigars on his
breath, and said in a dismissive tone that I ought to consider quitting my A‟Levels to
undertake either factory work, which needed few qualifications, or a career in auxiliary
nursing. Apparently, it would be easier for me to enter these „careers‟ because of my skin
colour and, as he said this, he rubbed his face to emphasise his meaning. At the end he
„magnanimously‟ added that if I insisted on going to university, then I should go to an
institution which would take me with 2 or 4 A‟Level points, which is the equivalent of 1 or 2
of the current „E‟ grades, or a „D‟.
I felt devastated by his comments and also furious, because although I was struggling, it did
not mean that I would not pass. Moreover, I was not going to limit myself academically or in
terms of my career, especially in given that I was raised to do otherwise. I could feel tears of
anger prickling my eyes, but I was not going to let the counsellor see how much he had upset
me, so I terminated the meeting and went and sat in the toilets for a while to gather my
thoughts. One of my main concerns was how I was going to tell my parents what he had said
and, although, somehow, I made it through the day, these thoughts plagued me continuously.
During the long walk home from school, I decided that I would tell my parents outright what
had happened and then I would take the situation from there. When I explained everything,
my father simply asked if I would prefer to continue my studies at the college where he
worked. Needless to say I was very grateful to my father for this and I jumped at the chance
of leaving my sixth form and continuing somewhere else, where I knew I would feel happier
and almost certainly progress. Interestingly, however, when I informed the Head of the
school that I would be leaving, he attempted to stall me by suggesting that I change my
A‟Level courses. I was also offered the position of „head girl‟, which I declined, because I
knew that I could not remain at the school.
8
Despite my experience, it must be acknowledged that there are numerous excellent careers
advisors who provide invaluable advice for young people, and that careers advisors do not all
display the same negative racist, sexist and classist attitudes. For example, as Bhopal (2010)
observed in her study of Asian women‟s experiences in higher education, many respondents
found that careers‟ advisors expectations were not racist or stereotypical. Rather the advice
given was supportive and useful.
Research, however, indicates that many Black students have encountered similar difficulties
to those that I experienced (see for example Mirza 1992, 2009, Mac an Ghaill 1988). This
issue has also been continually highlighted in the media. For example, in an article written for
the Guardian newspaper entitled Racism in Education: Have we learned nothing? (John, The
Guardian 5 August 2008) Gus John explains that teachers‟ low expectations concerning the
academic abilities of Black students contribute to their „alienation from learning‟, which
prevents them from fully applying themselves to their academic pursuits. Unfortunately, this
in turn does not help to raise the attainment levels of many Black students and may also mean
that they decide against continuing into further or higher education, which limits their
employment opportunities. However, as I found, and John and many others advocate, the
family also plays an important role in determining academic outcomes. I return to this issue
shortly.
In many ways I identified with the Black female respondents in research undertaken by Mac
an Ghaill (1988) and Mirza (1992, 2009). These respondents all viewed education as „a
strategy for success‟ and as a way to „better themselves‟ (Bhopal 2010:44). They understood
the importance of a good education, especially in the context of their greater susceptibility to
racism and sexism in society, and believed that a good educational background would help to
enhance their opportunities. However, the women were not necessarily in agreement with the
education system or, more specifically, the way in which it functioned against women and
9
minorities. I had also been brought up to value education highly and, prior to the experience
with my careers teacher, I was pro-school despite being very aware of racism within the
education system.
After that incident, however, for a while I became disillusioned, despite my continued belief
in education for success. Although my college experience helped me to resume my „pro-
school‟ stance, I viewed school and the education system more critically than previously. It
was this that influenced my decision to undertake A‟Level, undergraduate and Masters‟
academic research projects which examined racism in the education system, and later to work
with Black children who were at risk of school exclusion when I completed my
undergraduate degree. As with the Black females in Mirza‟s and Mac an Ghaill‟s research,
my experience was also a major influence on my decision to resist being steered towards
careers which others regarded as acceptable for Black women. It also reinforced my interest
in pursuing research into the experiences and achievements of Black and minority ethnic
groups in education for my PhD project.
Considerable attention has been paid to the academic achievement levels of Black students
within the British education system. Research generally indicates that African and African-
Caribbean students are underachieving or are not achieving to their full potential. This issue
has been a primary concern for over 30 years, although the initial emphasis was on the
achievement of African-Caribbean children. Government reports, such as the Rampton
Report (1981) and later the Swann Report (1985), showed that in comparison to Asian and
White groups Black African-Caribbean children underachieved. Studies undertaken from the
1990s onwards (see for example Gillborn and Gipps 1996, Mirza and Gillborn 2000 and
Demie 2005) incorporated Africans, but reiterated previous findings that, overall, Black
children‟s attainment levels were considerably below those of White and Asian groups.
10
