Table Of ContentSOCIETY AND CULTURE 49
Winter, Bruce W., ed. The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting. Vol. 2. David W. J.
Gill and Conrad Gempf, eds. The Book of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting.
Grand Rapids, 1994.
Brunschwig, Jacques, and G. E. R. Lloyd, eds. Greek Thought: A Guide to Classical
Knowledge. Cambridge, Mass., 2000.
Sampley, J. Paul, ed. Paul in the Greco-Roman World. Harrisburg, 2003.
2. SOCIETY AND CULTURE
INTRODUCTION
This chapter will focus on the first century. Where direct evidence is absent or
meager, we will employ the evidence of closest proximity. Nevertheless, our
concern will be with the general circumstances rather than with chronological
exactitude.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Collections of Sources
THE ROMAN MILITARY
Lewis, N., and M. Reinhold. Roman Civilization: Sourcebook. Vol. 2. New York, 1955
Shelton, Jo-Ann. As the Romans Did: A Sourcebook in Roman Social Histo ry, Ox- Military power had brought the various provinces under Roman rule, Not only
ford, 1988. did the Roman army create the empire but it was also one of the most impor-
Cherry, David. The Roman World: A Sourcebook. Oxford, 2001. tant cultural factors. The army made possible social advancement, was an in-
Basic Secondary Works fluence for Romanization, and provided an economic stimulus. The military
safeguarded Roman peace and so made possible social and cultural develop-
ai) . ue Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius. New York 1905 ments, and provided mobility both geographically and socially for its mem-
riedlaondeor, L. Roman Life and Manners under the Early ly E Empir:e . 4 vols. London, bers. The army was important in the spread of various eastern religions and
observed its own official religious ceremonies.’ Although most military per-
Jaeger, W. Paideia. 3 vols. Oxford, 1939-1944. Reprint, 1957-1965. sonnel were on the frontier, knowledge of them provided an ever present frame
tee J. Daily Life in Ancient Rome. New Haven, 1940; new edition, 2003 of reference from which writers could draw illustrations (e.g., 2 Tim. 2:3-4).
ambaugh, John: E., , and David L. A Balch. i, The New Test. ament ij n Its S iol Sande -
Hornblmoewnetr., PhS.i, ladealnd pAh.i a, 1986. : ; ae e
Oxford. oe Spawforth, eds. Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization. The Legions
Supplementary Works The legions were composed of citizen soldiers. With the extension of the citizen-
ship the provinces came to provide many of the legionaries, and by the time of
ECnhorceehnr bae1n9Ere.6g ,4,. A . CVS.i occNtio arl. CPhSartoitcseitreinta yn itaoynf d CahnCrdii vsitCliliaaznsa stiicGoanrl o uipCn usl Gtruierne ec.te h eO axnFfidor srtdR ,o Cmeen1.9t 5u7r.Cy a.m bLroinddgoen ,M a1s9s6.0 Tmcieabnnetyru iruysr ecBrt.hcu.ei tstm hae ionbat ramsiytn reedbn egtcchai tmieozf e an tshheli apra greolmnyy vilonalydu uncitnte ieoirtns . nfooFrncr-eoI tmoa fl itpahrneo feeensldse imoeonnfat l.t hesP orlosdbieeacrbosln.yd
q
Malherbe, Abraham J. Social Aspects of Early Christianity. Philadelphia, 1983.
JGernaknitn,s , MiIcanh.a elG,r eeakn d andR acRhoelm anK itLziifneg. erC,a mebdrs.i dgCei,vi liMzaastsi.o,n 1o9f8 6.t he Ancient Mediterra- 2a5n2d (NEsesw1a. ysA,Y. orD2k.:, 7 3N61o9-c79k80,)), ; “1TJ4ho7eh0 n- 1R5Ho0e5ml;ag neEl rainAcd r,mB iyr“ leRyao,n md a“nTthh ee ArRRmoeylmi agniRo enl iRgeoilfoi ng,tih”oe u sAR NoYRmeaaWr,n ” IIHA, rTPmRry i:n 4c5i 1p8a(9tO5,c -t1.1 967.1729 ,5’2( )B:ei1rb8ild7i.-n,
nean: Greece and Rome. New York, 1988.
1506-41.
48
51
SOCIETY AND CULTURE
BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY
TctCOriFMniaei aOFEconorinttANnMlschuei, TBeurds y sU S. iRmw TinianId FdOsCiO-a eNBcfvNnraioEsittr nttu esaia--dtui ns awTttwaSnehhhnhpdereed oa e i RDn7dmh,0Tnaciie 0hosonn netrneu o rsm,bcnita ateenbilov utto lahtumlybritpirei enoer yn endo o ar vfSle iaiyac ntnntrs hk cdimeeso aSh at,spnil srt.aegl eei rdenncaetr ,hgSani nttedwmiehvi estsc iet wtzanhoet lo (.h f ar miccienUesna ec op nn oecdm lEicreevgmidiiganryniali lep nionxtgwsntt,dTta h isrseb,t: wtf o eo ao rsuBbtwiTr tuaweau htlorcse 6 keii ,nt a f0curnto0suhoShrs0, lyee m rilrvimndeAaam g (a,nr eP nnwbinayeafodt,n arluw snmessomi o alenyb4otniir,o.nnwea 5 u ea),t nAtst o fhtohfper yen li5D -scc,aaf Rea3oclil,h0neivmt 0idsthea en uea te lniie,aidlnial nre f ge, ghaog siptnniiore texonaa ar nsoncyns.inkei dn n
by the stick and
E(bsCRsCowaosolocemcurxkhrad etb,nseMo t suneysrew ae e ruramemony f)d. tthhee Metgmmhoaariiraoceiosehst nnba.i eud r andeew)Afe tIed o.tsi rr fl rewere saaagom esietmrlo chn voneetin nct.ngth oswg euia m rCxtsytmeiar y.snmaa detnn,csikuTt svedrha.inifeem dftosed eunAeed ro s tf i, fcob wiienynectn atserhstore e asu t.r(th rslieteieenhTo xag e hndam e citeon oeprs e hr tmneoo toafr(fescrtenirhtessome qs rpduimo oioeofafrmn n tltptahtlslaeohliy eyxsnr ttecc aqoipeionnfunrn h etotost utfsrhthreetetreinss a iea)csatsGt,iano io roc rsmna(eipylaooaae, nrlcll edh sos e fc rrfho oiasfuacnmt en(knawmsrd)dtes ,oheri nooeAinlcdwpmn.e ti y dstt 5hmh7ce ei)(po n n¢r m.sl)oO§i-ea- -x-nn 5
Mwdh(pcaggaifrtSerogtuesouourrutinsr ianvoo.estootdco r uetnrr stp soaara,Ais8’anris na:btWu.ossiiw5 n mln g;heeuwod seeduss2hreA r, 2n s,sMein e5 tta ac tf wduo hrDoins eiasn dkrooursnn a tetbm ceomnhnwasatsh i dsaaeot 1ba et rdna5marltfii: tt enwgoyi3nihaytnee 9gdot t -in5.grhhthe fa ee at eiar(li n, i g As 7 vtnnIec.thynasegd 3tds eeect c)isie arr.or rraa pramunme ar tdia n1sPcenemdmr0a tgdtngy2ia(eroeeer1i.,wtfTtt5ndncru a a ii e t crcoorsot,u2tAinntffaeh1 t tim r:oluehuo)3vsrtetnwsn2anith he ca,5olec he trn elFefoild wlorof2apAolir aee 7wan tenn:i vraly1ndegn ihenr ,o r iaawa ceyaoonletwvaewflenshmrsamil. ta e.aea stcna r rp .y igndui)e B1ln H.shsey.rees etete1s mfpgt 7he l eohii)adnoc;esrotto pfs i apenf t eeae ns tiilcDsw rsn cni otheaofetahiglrsdamohsle,dvd t e e ii rii o psectetmnrttowerhniapeseiws.seora,tadnn ei r yionctn ed vrlll tws aeoluomyfetp sodmo aordi rkl ieannd eynniob ygefgsteotitaa r e omr orn dondsrnoa ctmst,lieutivhl h vnhca eeieieelat blo o tmilr ufchnvyty eteRcceos.e eun toew dnhrrt t mseet3svAho rm0a iiorlua0-se-cn-nl-l o e ei f- n
Mark 5:9 and Matthew 26:53.
Emblems, Weapons, and Dress
TvTbhehlenee e mr easattgoialfoe n ndt.ah( rea dqIstul ,ie wlgaairs)oe nc.wts aialsAnv gerut“ hlceaoh rra pprgeeiolnnl”scd ,ii gpiannm lso euJaonecnthg ieosdctna aaffrmosyp,n ecah amorbpurolisleeeed,md atanhtnehd ed ncteaaharmegr elie oe bdjo aren bcdyts peooscfnti eaas nlpd emacaerinmda.-ls
and statues of gods and of the emperor.
BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY SOCIETY AND CULTURE
,
)
COPIES OF ROMAN STANDARDS
The emblems of the Roman legions and their use in religious
ceremonies were offensive to Jewish sensibilities about idolatry.
(© Scala/Art Resource, NY)
The main weapons of the foot soldier were the short sword and the lance
(pilum; John 19:34). The lance was about three and one-half feet long with an
iron point on a long stem joined to a shaft of light wood. The neck where the
tip was fastened to the shaft was left soft so as to bend easily on striking a MODEL OF ROMAN SOLDIER
shield, thus preventing its being pulled out and used against the Romans and A soldier’s equipmen t included a crested helmet, breastplate,
making the shield in which it lodged unmanageable. The wooden shield was belt with short sword, shield, and lance. (Worms Museum)
54 BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY SOCIETY AND CULTURE 55
usually oval, covered with leather. After throwing the pilum, a soldier drew his posts in Rome. The praetorian guard (Phil. 1:13) held a higher status and re-
sword. The long broad sword (. spatha) was the characteristic weapon of the ceived higher pay than other soldiers.
cavalry; it was worn on the right side, suspended from the left shoulder bya
sword belt.
The tunic was girt with a military girdle with the sword attached (cf. Eph, Other Units
6:10ff.). When soldiers were in dress uniform they wore no breastplate or hel-
met. The breastplate or cuirass was made of bands of metal over a kilt of Three urban cohorts, commanded by tribunes and aes an
leather or metal-plated strips, and the helmet was of metal. fect (praefectus urbi), provided a police force and —— = a
of Rome. The vigiles were a paramilitary fire brigade an P eels
Drawn from freedmen, they were organized in seven co = laird
Auxiliaries men under tribunes and commanded by an officer of equ
(praefectus vigilum).
The legions were supported by auxilia of about equal number. The auxilia ice in the navy ranked lower tha n legionary service and no class =of
originated in specialized troops, such as cavalry, slingers, and archers. They naval eon es eth Augustus ordered two Italian naval bases
were normally recruited from native populations, but some units were em- Misenum and Ravenna.
ployed in other areas. Auxiliaries served for twenty-five years and on discharge
trreacnesifveeArd roeRf goitmmraeonnopt s c(idctioidhz oernmstuh)ci hp of ftooar u xstiphlrieeamarsdy e lRvteorsom oapnas n dw causfl atmuierlieyt .h earn Tdh fiisvt eo phmrauicxnt dircreea cde sp.l ours otnhee BCaImBpLbeIlOlG, RAJ.P HB.Y The Roman Army, 31 BC-AD 337: A Sourcebook. London, 1994.
thousand men strong and was commanded by a prefect of equestrian rank MacMullen, R. Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, Mass.,
(p. 57) who was a professional soldier. The cavalry regiment was known as an
ala and a foot regiment as a cohors. Auxiliaries might be attached to legions or a,G . R. The Roman SoSlodlideierr.. Ithaca, NNY.Y.,, 1969 ; ?
assigned to the governor in areas of trouble where legions were not stationed. Sm G. The Roman Imperial Army of the First and Second Centuries a.p. Lon
One ala of cavalry and five cohorts of infantry were stationed in Judea. Since don, 1969. a
legions would not normally be stationed in a province like Judea, the cohors Fink a O. Roman Military Records on Papyrus. Philological Monographs o
italica of Acts 10:1 presumably was an auxiliary unit in spite of being associated the American Philological Association, vol. 26. Cleveland, 1971.
with Italy. Where auxiliary units bore an ethnic or geographical name, this re- Grant, Michael. The Army of the Caesars. New — ie ik
cords where it was first raised but no attempt was made to preserve the original P. A. The Auxiliilia from Augustus to Trajan. Oxfoorr d, 1980.
ethnic nature. In this case the name may have nothing to do with the unit’s ori- : addi en ; D. D, B. B, The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to
gin. Acts 21:31 and the following narrative mentions the chiliarch (lit. “com- Vespasian. Harare, 1982.
mander of a thousand” but signifying the tribune) of the speira (cohort), and Schell J. B. The Emperor and the Roman Army. Oxford, 1984. oe
Acts 23:23ff. mentions some of the auxiliary troops in Judea. Keppie, L. The Making of the Roman Army, from Republic to Empire. ;
1984.
Praetorian Guard
Nine or twelve cohorts of five hundred or one thousand men (at different SOCIAL CLASSES
times in the first century) formed the bodyguard of the princeps. Each was
commanded by an equestrian with the title of tribune, and together they were Roman society was stratified but not closed. nema ee ee aes:
commanded by the prefects of the guard, normally two in number ( praefecti things, made possible a certain upward social one ee eae
praetorio). The office of praetorian prefect was among the most important vor of the emperor affected the standing of many fami : - ee
sciousness is very evident in the snobbery of the upper clas See
2. Karen R. Dixon, The Roman Cavalry (London, 1997). ing deference shown by the lower orders. The aristocracy w
56 BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY SOCIETY AND CULTURE 57
senatorial and equestrian orders. Ownership of land was the principal source The Equestrian Order
of wealth and social standing. Nevertheless, social class was not always the
same as social status. Wealth, education, and ability could confer status and in- The knights (equites) were a much larger group, with a property qualification
fluence apart from social class. of only 100,000 denarii. Their name is derived from earlier times when a man
who could outfit his own horse for war was so named. The political distinction
from senators was not always social or even economic. The knights were often
The Senatorial Order wealthy, educated, and related to senatorial families. A few sons of knights in
each generation went into the senate, and those sons of senators who chose not
Augustus set the roll of senatorial families at six hundred. There was a minimum to follow a political career became knights.
property qualification of 250,000 denarii (see p. 93 for the value of a denarius) for Besides being born into the order, one could advance to the equestrian
admission to the senate. Membership in the senate was actually obtained by fill- rank (signified by being placed on the roll of equites) through acquiring wealth
ing one of the principal magistracies of Rome (quaestor, praetor, consul). The or through promotion in the army. Since business and trade were considered
sign of senatorial standing was a broad purple stripe (latus clavus) on the toga. It beneath the dignity of senators, many knights amassed great wealth in these
is possible to classify the senators in other ways than by the offices attained, hows pursuits. If one had the right talents, he could become more important than if
ever, In terms of birth and prestige the patricians represented the oldest nobility he were in the senate, and besides the senate could be expensive, boring, and
of Rome, ostensibly going back to the time of the kings. In addition to these were dangerous if the emperor was suspicious. Among the posts open to equestrians
the nobilis, descendants of anyone who held the consulship; at the end of the Re- were the following: military — as legionary tribune or commander of auxiliary
public there were only about twelve such families. The monarchy came from two detachments, of fleets at Ravenna and Misenum, or of a cavalry detachment; fi-
of these patrician consular families, the Julian and Claudian. Besides prestige and nancial (procurators) — in management of mines or other imperial or state
birth, another classification is that of wealth and education. Many noble families properties, or as finance officials in the provinces; bureaucratic and adminis-
were impoverished, and their sons took wives from wealthy townspeople. Under trative (prefectures) — as secretariats of state in Rome, in command of the fire
the empire one could go a long way with a combination of wealth and education. and police brigade in Rome, in charge of the food supply in Rome, in com-
And as new members of the senatorial and equestrian orders were recruited from mand of the praetorian guard, as governors of smaller provinces, or as gover-
Italy and then the provinces, proximity to Rome became another basis of pride. nor of Egypt. The equestrian order flourished because it was less exposed to an
Although the senate itself played little part in the government of the em- emperor’s jealousy and faced no barrier in pursuing commercial enterprises.
pire, the senatorial class was important for providing the chief civilian and mil- Equestrian rank was granted rather freely in the second half of the first century.
itary administrators. A young man of a senatorial family proceeded through a Within the order there were considerable gradations in wealth, birth, and rank
cursus honorum (order or sequence of positions). He started his official career, according to offices held.
following completion of his education at about the age of twenty, with a minor
post in Rome. Then followed military service as one of the six tribunes of a le-
gion, usually spent as a staff officer to acquire military experience rather than Municipal Aristocracies
in the field. The office of quaestor and a seat in the senate came next. Since the
quaestor was a finance officer, he might be assigned to a province rather than At the top of the municipal aristocracies around the empire were the
serve in Rome itself. After a time out of office, ornamental offices might be decurions, the members of the municipal senates. There were usually one
held until the age of thirty. For some then came the office of praetor, involving hundred in the towns of the west and in the colonies or towns that copied
judicial work. Ex-praetors became provincial governors, legionary command- Rome in the east. The municipal councils in the east varied in size from thirty
ers, or judges, depending on their interests and talents. A few men were re- to five hundred. Decurions had to be rich. They paid heavily for the prestige
warded with a consulship followed by governorship of a major province. Such of civic magistracy and a leading role in the affairs of their community. Their
would be the climax of a full senatorial career. benefactions included financing public buildings that would commemorate
Under the empire there was a steady change in the composition of the their name (temples, fountains, baths, theatres, etc.), providing food in times
senate as the emperors raised wealthy equestrians and plebeians, members of of emergency, and providing public entertainments. They had an economic
the Italian and provincial bourgeoisie, and finally the military aristocracy into and social reason for maintaining public order and supporting the ruling
the highest positions. power.
58 BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY SOCIETY AND CULTURE 59
Plebeians and Other Free Persons SLAVERY
Roman citizens who did not belong to the senatorial or equestrian orders, or in Slavery was a basic element in ancient society. Much of the initiative as well as
other cities those citizens who did not belong to the order of decurions, were the work done belonged to this class. Slavery was very extensive in both the
called plebeians. When Tiberius transferred all elections to the senate, the po- Hellenistic and Roman periods, as the large number of prisoners of war made
litical importance of plebeians vanished. The state policy of subsidized idleness slaves cheap in Hellenistic Greece and republican Rome. However, the stable
to keep the people of Rome contented debased their position. conditions of the early empire made home-bred slaves the main source of sup-
Besides the aristocracy at the top, free persons might be classified as citi- ply, an expensive procedure. Nonetheless it is estimated that one in five of the
zens, residents, transients, and rural folk. Peregrini, citizens of any city other residents in Rome was a slave. A proposal in the senate that slaves be required
than Rome, to whom Rome gave special recognition, and metics, resident to wear a distinctive dress was defeated lest the slaves learn how numerous they
aliens in Greek cities who were given a recognized status distinct from other were (Seneca, De clementia 1.24.1).
foreigners, were not properly called social classes, but occur frequently in the The condition of slavery might result from war, piracy and brigandage,
sources as significant in the population of larger cities and commercial centers. exposure of a child, sale of a child or self to pay debts, condemnation in the law
courts, or birth to a slave mother. An individual acquired slaves by purchase
from slave dealers, by inheritance, or by home breeding (a child took the status
of the mother). Most slaves seem to have come from the eastern part of the em-
Freedmen?*
pire, but Germans, Gauls, and Britons were important new sources in the early
An important role in all phases of life was played by freedmen. As former empire. By and large the slaves were denationalized and simply became a part
slaves, they remained in a relationship with their previous owners in which of Greco-Roman civilization.
there were mutual responsibilities. Circumstances determined whether the The legal status of a slave was that of a “thing.” Aristotle defined a slave as
freedman remained in the household of his former owner with responsibility “living property” (Politics 1.2.4-5, 1253b); “the slave is a living tool and the tool a
for part of its work or went into the world to conduct a business under a finan- lifeless slave” (Nicomachean Ethics 8.11). Varro’s description is similar: slaves are
cial arrangement with his previous master. In Rome the freed slave of a citizen “articulate instruments” (On Agriculture 1.17.1). The slave had no legal rights
had citizenship. Typical Roman magistracies and priesthoods were closed t6 and was subject to the absolute power of the master. Slaves had no right to
freedmen, but their sons could reach equestrian rank. Some freedmen by skill marry and their children belonged to the owner of the slave mother, yet slaves
and hard work became wealthy and advanced to important positions. The vul- did form de facto marriages (contubernia), and inscriptions indicate some
garities of a newly rich freedman are exaggerated in Petronius’s Satyricon. slaves were able to maintain family life. The Greeks defined four characteristics
Claudius used freedmen of his household to handle the highest bureaucratie of freedom, which were denied to the slave: the right to be his own representa-
functions of the empire. Felix, governor of Judea (Acts 23:26), was a freedman tive in legal matters, to protection from illegal seizure, to work where he
of the imperial household and brother of Palas, one of Claudius’s secretaries pleased, and to freedom of movement. Of course, everything depended on the
kind of master, and daily life was often better than the legal theory, especially
(p. 420).
for household slaves. There was some effort under the early empire to mitigate
a master’s absolute control over slaves. The increasing recognition of the slave
BIBLIOGRAPHY
as both property and a person brought legal ambiguities in Hellenistic and Ro-
Gagé, J. Les classes sociales dans empire romain. Paris, 1964. man times.
MacMullen, R. Roman Social Relations, 50 B.c. to A.D. 284. New Haven, 1974. The work of slaves covered the entire gamut of activities in the ancient
Judge, E. A. Rank and Status in the World of the Caesars and St. Paul. Canterbury,
world, with few exceptions. Their circumstances varied all the way from the
1982.
privileged imperial slaves (familia Caesaris or Caesariani) to the convicts sen-
tenced to the mines. Slaves of the state, of townships, and of the emperor did
the work that now falls to the civil service, including some of the highest ad-
ministrative functions in the bureaucracy. Their inscriptions show that the im-
perial slaves were proud of their status, and rightly so for the many necessary
3. A. M. Duff, Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire (Cambridge, 1958); S. Treggiari, Roman
functions they discharged. The administrative machinery of the empire devel-
Freedmen during the Late Republic (Oxford, 1969).
SOCIETY AND CULTURE 61
60 BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY
oped in part from institutions of the Republic and in part from the household mal dinner club. Freedom for a slave could be purchased out of a common fund
of the emperor. At the other end of the slave social scale were the mine workers, by a synagogue, a pagan association, and later by the church.
who had incredibly bad working conditions and long hours (Diodorus of Sicily The most frequent form of manumission was by the master, especially in
5.38). They were not expected to live long. In between the extremes were a mul- his will. It might also be done formally before a magistrate or informally before
titude of varied functions: temple slaves who took care of the sacred precinets friends. Manumission was often conditional, entailing continuing responsibili-
and assisted in the ceremonials of religion; agricultural slaves on the great es- ties to the former owner, who remained the patron of the freedman. The freed-
tates of wealthy Italians; domestic slaves who tended to household affairs and man owed the former master reverence and gratitude, work for a specified
cared for the children; pedagogues and teachers (see pp. 110-11); industrial number of days a year, and a portion of his estate at death (see below on Pa-
slaves who were skilled craftsmen; agents of their masters in widespread busi- tron-Client Relationship).
ness and commercial transactions (for slaves could be managers in agriculture, Slaves (douloi) and slavery (douleia) are frequently mentioned in the New
business, and trade as well as workmen). The practice of using slaves in respon- Testament. Most famous is the runaway slave of Philemon who is known by the
sible positions was due to the preference of free men to hire out rather than be common name for a slave, Onesimus (“beneficial”). Christianity gave instruc-
accountable to another man and the preference of the wealthy to use a trusted tions for the existing social structure (see Philem. 5-9; Col. 3:22-4:13 1 Tim. 6:1-
slave instead of a person not accustomed to obeying orders. 2; 1 Pet. 3:8ff.) but directed attention to higher concerns (1 Cor. 7:21-24). The
Slavery seems not to have had the adverse economic consequences on language of a “slave of God” was unique to Jews and Christians, and Paul’s use
free labor sometimes attributed to it. It became expensive enough that it did of “slave of Jesus Christ” reflected the Hebrew idea of “servant of God” more
not replace free peasant labor on farms or depress wage rates of craftsmen. In- than the Greco-Roman chattel slave.
centives in the form of wages or commissions were given to skilled slave labor-
ers, and owners of slaves often hired them out at the going rate for free workers BIBLIOGRAPHY
in order to make a larger profit rather than undercut the free laborers. Seneca. On Benefits 3.18-28. Epistle 47.
The reference to “wages” paid to slaves introduces a curious feature of an- Dio Chrysostom. Discourses 10, 14, 15.
cient slavery that was an important means by which a slave could secure free Wiedemann, T. Greek and Roman Slavery: A Sourcebook. Baltimore, 1981.
dom. The peculium was money or property that legally remained in the posses-
Coleman-Norton, P. R. “Paul and the Roman Law of Slavery.” In Studies in Roman
sion of the owner but was available to the slaves for their own use. Slaves could, Economic and Social History in Honor of A. C. Johnson. Princeton, 1951. Pp.
and did, save funds allotted to their use and purchase their own freedom. The 155-77.
expectation of manumission was an effective incentive for good service. Westermann, W. L. The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia,
A popular form of manumission was sacral manumission. The slave's free-
1955-
dom was purchased in a pagan temple in the name of the deity and with funds Weaver, P. R. C. Familia Caesaris: A Social Study of the Emperor’s Freedmen and
furnished to the deity by the slave (the Jewish synagogue served the same func- Slaves. Cambridge, 1972.
tion). The deity served as an intermediary, negotiating the purchase in the place Bartchy, Scott. First-Century Slavery and 1 Corinthians 7:21. SBL Dissertation Series,
of the slave, who could not enter into a legal contract. The slave became free and vol. 11. Missoula, Mont., 1973.
the fact was recorded in the temple’s records (see p. 216). Some have thought this Vogt, Joseph. Ancient Slavery and the Ideal of Man. Cambridge, Mass., 1975.
to provide the background to the redemption language for the atonement in the Finley, M. I. Slavery in Classical Antiquity: Views and Controversies. New York, 1980.
New Testament, but the pertinent passages (e.g., 1 Cor. 6:19; 7:22-23; Gal. 3:133 4:5) Bradley, K. R. Slaves and Masters in the Roman Empire: A Study in Social Control.
employ different terminology (the general words for any kind of purchase) from Oxford, 1987.
that employed in the inscriptions for sacral manumission.* It was not a “ficti- Watson, Alan. Roman Slave Law. Baltimore, 1987.
tious sale” and the slave did not become a slave of the deity. The same function of Garlan, Yvon. Slavery in Ancient Greece. Ithaca, 1988.
intermediary was served by a friend or free relative, an association, or an infor- De Ste. Croix, G. E. M. The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World. Ithaca, 1989.
Martin, D. B. Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity.
New Haven, 1990.
4. A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East (London, 1927), 320-34; W. L. Westermann, Llewelyn, $. R. New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity. Vol. 6. Macquarie,
“The Freedman and the Slaves of God,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 92 1992. Pp. 48-81. Vol. 7. Macquarie, 1994. Pp. 163-196.
(1948):55-64; S. Bartchy, First-Century Slavery and1 Corinthians 7:21 (Missoula, Mont., 1973), 121- Bradley, K. R. Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge, 1994.
25; K. Hopkins, Conquerors and Slaves (Cambridge, 1978), 149-54.
62 63
BAC KGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY SOCIETY AND CULTURE
RGVBoclHyOgaartr aM,ro innlcr;A e, lymJ ,T,No=e usy»ebj eJJxeJ.J.pi. to r h Pnh,AA.eACng. .at l .eenlIA°. nrndeS..BTTn, ld ih a .SIbIe vIlln DZed2ati[wre0vEeotMya0ieirigg3s Ngtr pr. ral: yhre aSian] tsenoppu fHt,hh ma EMitiISitae ehlisrRPt raoslii ovSn y'i zcSee,ut uohl rp gernaycCn h, r hSo draeroni efmsw ts eitaAkiS.iadeI aa niJ. nn H i ,ot8ry3ESs,/ak l 8r e]4 lly Oay,tvx lS e(fer 1oeJ9raiteu9odn. 8d ,d; ) Aa a BuiAogs2; nubcm0shr0 te a2ciieh sunetar meiene:ia.d ne t BCuPa.a cmuThblihri iitaihnb,dnei g dnegelCde,ushn. nr, ig asS tl1n9ai Bva ernrotyd : pt(yope»aiefheAfzobrn5nue corumeted d.tntnr inp c s1 omilnsti —6r egshutti1P g h2iThnia-ooie2phTzmdfu7—n (po: eelh0ee2nwr l n e)e8rnsohhas )x fttbbair;hpetru,dace —itriecFtof n bhhrpi l u l(me l v4eat c sciyo)bctvaiua pl“n ytphiuroscre eweraorlienhig iibnnnistv t e nt seetihhiscth derhmslaa ohdiis aoueadefi irpidaguta sa csatien esntdeecta ttd dc wdiromhbei o iatnla PjoefutayebagrunrAfahires urgs?eegnnd uglie rPf tevc is o+aehoaonnnrdufn(df e nanfiglcrtu x’tcr Rit acydet stiaoinnuo hrwseitsmcg( teecmisiotAhi efrisf,zaencieasest etdt sss me cenueis eide ssrrof c”trl;s,) fwoufoo;v ;yp fe1e iai n e 6trrtcntAe:ctheeomec(h2dcxi(ein3 eei2b2te a)tn f)tntsr li i fluti ctaln,nrofhe zik,yi;ccifo2esed i natgrr5rernn lhhee: etes2mse dtda1h2fh epe stt0e s:aoeidr hh -2iaoucrpie5 oi1funtitse o fp 2 mxa ghff o)bsil a .lopsi.oryl ;cpryd os°i ni poi fegli ccatethnbiarclchrlstafiUicstaraoiu.e,ellsytnh iuem dvssi scdd eeCet a iheetrsidyeonfeor dacre fo x diee rdne p ox Rword dgtfieefoaho t tro ofrx,ehhsnmatn rta iteme a hd he oieere emAifele mnn Rpgooun in dbcearlprtgaRlioewipclseane iornadinouircd sngs tmswdyb eft i it elambodmztn eiyacnereihcs g ricnmnenui V:dtgcs rtstsPeg irhiovi e rgz.aifcizwtreopin( ecueeienavton.xtenn)lris f-- ,--
pRzeoaanm peoo ef itorw ow Aiactncthdis t iieItn2s to2 abt:l( e2is6acofn- ao 2rmP7 bae)iu.i rlt st ah B wp“eaopaglsanii sdtnsai n icivaicinelet i zcseii atgsni nzi omfefin csTaarhsunoisa cptee”ip.n a xinc — utA luhtgeAu curtesss te naws 2ae1s :t 3ht9egh ar—cta o dnuitana nlewdlac yst ia olscnooi outsgiozehfent ne cditao s-f stiphirAanhhnul eoi enlbc p ntttdl.ohlta osieyhricen We l ci yhsoia adefnnenunrltrdciaetdoef eoi e a encsosttdaief ih nn ntedhtu aCci alunnaeabrs drwrnyip a itt,thhct ueahedahrrn oit leytnsolf l tsooiao,i rr c snocstaifcot. (lt fth2 i cie1Re 2toedsTo)h nunhc et,mteo ai uac nnereltncsdymsie a p tnmrwaitnrattlhro yxhuaeeteisewo.r n df eg iio w ncTnfiti ihdhnhttteeieoaih i v a zitRwdedisdat oenvpusohvsemee,am hc laeiiiswanaplrn alil o as gtppnh hhcemptationr tde tuioi niovgtrmztfbihimeo elo nateean blignipeytlvewp dsyeaes rtga s ieil lfawlwv.do niai mrudbt nsoc hgrT rec hoedliteuetct h gheiaie azhvtas Ceiit monnzm ecasngeamjohs mntpeintsetepasich en.rttier mouypr tar ndBi,nsioytoo- f o f
GA(acrDureiigioemu kis tCu»C aaslsn .sdh ie ucsCLd,ol a anats» tiu nRids nioKuumaoesesm da n“ro oetufhv rHe oit kshtetes ootdnre agaynddu pceoye i 6se€0 ”n.a t1cd iv7otO .aai4nuz)ct,e ehnos ahrnioscdifp t cthhohfeeea r a rae meegda a (nr dybz euwdta h boe gt uhrnedo ibAdaut p nwoodnc oe1 otrl l oacknCyngaotneuo s:tlaa oslr s i1u saa ¢ ti3)n;; ; RBSCohaImdeBebrL,uwIr iyOnb,-Gu WtRh HAi.iP ttseH J.,Y e fTfhAee.c t NB.ow aoskT hoetf o RAsocttmrsia pn i nc iCHtiiitszitezonersnysh.h iippN .e owf OxaYfnooyrr kd,,s p e1c91i595f3.9i .c Ppc.o n6t5e-n8t2..
souf gag esktn otwhlaet d Clgea udofi uLsa titin; oe e d woexutledn sihoaavn. ( eS oufb eeteonn iuhsa,rt d Cilt aucdiues 42.1)b.u t Thteh e rreepeoarti edaoels Sherwifno-rdW,h i1t9e6,3. AL.e cNt.u reR om7. an Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Ox-
prep aration for receiivvi in
necessarily contradictory to Dio’s further
ROMAN LAW
Tahdee quRaotmelayn ilnatwr odisu ca e suibt jehcerte ; of wes ucwhi lml amgennittiuodne o annlyd stoemchen icaaslpietcyt s thoaft itwse wocrakninnogt
mpiasresnitosnC it—oifaz esnlsa“vhbeiisrp t ho fc occueilrttdii zfeibncesa teoa”tb taii. aa eeed o ; mi( 3u) anda se ra ifwahnvoonremg tfi ohreo neswp caeiyctrsiie:zac elen i (v1s)ese tdraa vbttiiuuicrtsse t;;; h t(o2t )o thmceai tneiuzm-e-n t1h9a60t) , ar556e.3. -6EA5.ur .se eHl.be ivuMas.,n tJ oCnhefusor,rc h“ eI aHAriplspyte oarlCy h rt2oi. C2s5a.te5i.s aanr, h» iins tSotruyd.i es in Roman Government and Law (Oxford,
SOCIETY AND CULTURE 65
64 BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY
The sources of Roman law were the following:’ laws and statutes enacted for might not) follow the precedents of their predecessors or local customs.
by vote of assembly of the people (the last one in a.p. 97); resolutions of the This personal dispensing of justice was known as cognitio (judicial examina-
senate (senatus consulta — under the Republic they lacked the force of law but tion or inquiry). Many areas of minor jurisdiction were left to local courts; Ro-
from Augustus onward became a means of development of law); edicts of mag- man officials became involved mainly in matters affecting public order (e.g.,
istrates (governors and praetors); constitutions of emperors (edicta — saying Acts 18:12-16; 19:40; 21:31ff.). A Roman governor by virtue of his imperium
what must be done, decreta — judicial decisions in lawsuits, rescripta — re- could enforce public order at his own discretion without reference to specific
sponses to requests or an embassy, and mandata — instructions issued to offi- legislation (the power of coercitio). Otherwise, the laws and legal customs of lo-
cials); and replies of jurists when consulted. Of course, usage or custom pro- cal peoples remained in force.
vided an unwritten source of law. Imperial decisions may have died with the According to the normal working of things, the judicial process was ini-
emperor who issued them, especially those emanating from emperors whose tiated by the drawing up of charges and penalties and the formal act of accu-
memory was condemned by the senate (damnatio memoriae), such as Nero sation (delatio) by an interested party. The Roman system had no public
and Domitian, unless they were explicitly renewed by his successor. Since law, prosecutor or inquisitorial initiative. Apart from manifest offenders, enforce-
however, is built up by precedents, such decisions often served as guides to later ment of the law depended on private initiative, hence the place for a delator, a
judges. During the second century and later, jurists began to collect and orga- private prosecutor. An illustration would be the role of Jewish officials in the
nize the laws, judicial decisions, and other components of the legal system ina trial of Jesus; their deliberations (the Jewish “trial”) would have been to de-
way to guide future officials. Some of these important jurists were Salvius termine what charges could be sustained before the Roman governor. The ac-
Julianus (second century), Gaius (second century),® and Ulpian (early third cuser could proceed with the prosecution, or the magistrate could conduct
century). This activity reached its climax in the great codes of Theodosius? and an inquisitorial examination. The case would be heard by the responsible
Justinian!® in the fifth and sixth centuries. magistrate in person seated on his tribunal (Gk. béma; cf. John 19:13; Acts
The Roman provincial governors (of all ranks) held the imperium, which 18:12), perhaps assisted by his council (consilium) of friends and officials. The
gave them almost unlimited power of life and death over provincials, restricted principle of the accused meeting the accusers face to face (Acts 25:16) is con-
only by the laws against extortion and treason. Only the holder of the impe- firmed in Appian, Civil War 3.54 and Digest 48.17.1. The magistrate took
rium could impose the death sentence, and the governor could not delegate whatever action he deemed just and proper. As a safeguard against abuse of
this power (John 18:31 agrees with this, but cf. p. 569). The governor was ac- the system of delatio, the law provided for calumnia, by which a person
countable only to the emperor and senate. The administration of justice was bringing a false charge was subject to the same punishment he sought against
highly personal, and cases were heard wherever the governor was. the accused.
Major offenses were defined in a number of detailed statutes that pre- Neither the praetor nor governor was necessarily a legal expert, hence the
scribed procedures and punishments. These laws together constituted the ordo importance of those “learned in the law” (iuris prudentes) for consultation.
judiciorum publicorum, which was binding in Rome. The many crimes not cov- Nor were there professional lawyers; those who pleaded a case were rhetori-
ered in the ordo, those extra ordinem, were left to the jurisdiction of magistrates cians (as was Tertullus in Acts 24:1-8, a rhétor).
in the exercise of their imperium. Public law in Rome and Italy did not apply One practice recognized by Roman law and common in Roman society
automatically in the provinces, where Roman officials were not bound to fol- was used by Paul to express an important theological principle — adoption
low the ordo, even in crimes it covered. For these and other crimes they might (Gal. 4:5; Rom. 8:15, 23; 9:4; Eph. 1:5).1’ Adoption was far more frequent and
important in Roman society than it is today. The person adopted (at any age)
was taken out of his previous condition, all old debts were cancelled, and he
7. See Cicero, Topica 28, and Gaius, Institutes 1.2. started a new life in the relation of sonship to the new paterfamilias, whose
8. W. M. Gordon and O. E. Robinson, tr. and int., The Institutes of Gaius (Ithaca, 1988). family name he took and to whose inheritance he was entitled. The new father
9. C. Pharr, The Theodosian Code and Novels, and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton,
now owned the adoptee’s property, controlled his personal relationships, and
1952); J. Harries and I. Wood, eds., The Theodosian Code (Ithaca, N.Y., 1995); John F. Matthews,
Laying Down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code (New Haven, 2000).
10. Th. Mommsen, P. Krueger, and A. Wilson, The Digest of Justinian, 4 vols. (Philadelphia,
1985); R. W. Lee, The Elements of Roman Law with a Translation of the Institutes of Justinian (4th u1. Francis Lyall, “Roman Law in the Writings of Paul — Adoption,” JBL 88 (1969):458-66;
ed.; London, 1956); J. A. C. Thomas, The Institutes of Justinian: Text, Translation, and Commentary A. Watson, The Law of Succession in the Late Roman Republic (Oxford, 1971); James M. Scott,
(Amsterdam, 1975); Peter Berks and Grant McLeod, tr. and int., Justinian’s Institutes (Ithaca, 1987); Adoption as Sons of God: An Exegetical Investigation into the Background of YIOOEXIA in the Pau-
Alan Watson, ed. of English translation, The Digest of Justinian, rev. ed. (Philadelphia, 1998). line Corpus (Tiibingen, 1992) (review in JTS, n.s. 44[1993]:288ff.).
66 BACKGROUNDS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY SOCIETY AND CULTURE 67
had the right of discipline, while assuming responsibility for his support and li- deSilva, David A. Honor, Patronage, Kinship and Purity: Unlocking New Testament
ability for his actions — all just as with natural children born into the home. Culture. Downers Grove, Ill., 2000.
Adoption was a legal act, attested by witnesses.
Patron-Client Relationship
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lawson, FE. H. The Roman Law Reader. Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., 1969. Recent studies have emphasized the importance of patronage in Roman soct
Wolff, H. J. Roman Law: An Historical Introduction. Norman, Okla., 1951. ety.'* Patronage was a reciprocal relationship, in which both patron and client
Berger, A. Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law. Transactions of the American had duties to each other, was a personal and not a business or commercial rela-
Philosophical Society 43. Philadelphia, 1953. Pp. 333-808. tionship, existed between parties of different status, and was a voluntary (not a
Jolowicz, H. E. Historical Introduction to the Study of Roman Law. 2d ed. Cam- legal) relationship that could be initiated by either party, but the social conven-
bridge, 1954. tions were stronger than any regulations of law. A regular code of etiquette gov-
Sherwin-White, A. N. Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Ox- erned the duty (obsequium) of a client to the patron. The client appeared daily at
ford, 1963. early morning at the house of the patron to offer salutations and requests. The
Buckland, W. W. A Textbook of Roman Law. 3d ed. Cambridge, 1963. client was responsible for assisting the patron in political and private life and for
Kunkel, W. An Introduction to Roman Legal and Constitutional History. Oxford, showing respect by walking in the funeral procession. The patron’s importance
1966. was gauged by the number who attended the morning audience. Since a status
Crook, John. Law and Life of Rome. Ithaca, N.Y., 1967. symbol was the number of clients attending a person, there was an incentive to
Daube, D. Roman Law: Linguistic, Social, and Philosophical Aspects. Edinburgh, free slaves who as freedmen became one’s clients. The patron’s role was to give a
1969. small dole of gifts or money. The patron rendered assistance in need, welcomed
Watson, Alan. The Law of the Ancient Romans. Dallas, 1970. the client from time to time to his house and table, and offered legal protection as
Sampley, J. Paul. Pauline Partnership in Christ: Christian Community and Commit- needed. The relationship operated on all levels and in various groupings: be-
ment in the Light of Roman Law. Philadelphia, 1980.
tween former masters and freedmen, rich and poor, generals and conquered peo-
Lyall, Francis. Slaves, Citizens, Sons: Legal Metaphors in the Epistles. Grand Rapids,
ples, aristocrats and collegia or clubs. Everyone from slave to aristocrat felt bound
1984. to display respect to someone more powerful than himself, up to the emperor.
Watson, Alan. The State, Law, and Religion: Pagan Rome. Athens, Ga., 1992.
Tellegen-Couperus, Olga. A Short History of Roman Law. London, 1993. In addition to social relations, there was literary patronage (support of an
Robinson, O. G. The Sources of Roman Law: Problems and Methods for Ancient His- author by a wealthy person), political patronage (“client” kings — p. 45), and
economic patronage (of the rural poor).
torians. London, 1997.
Phoebe, the servant of the church at Cenchraea, is described as a patron-
ess (Rom. 16:2), one who gives aid and who had the resources to do so.
SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS
Friendship
Much current study of the New Testament focusses on insights sociology and
anthropology bring to the study of ancient texts. A few of these topics are pre- The interactions between patrons and clients and between members of a
sented here. Family relationships receive separate treatment below. household (pp. 72-76) represented the principal vertical relationships in soci-
BIBLIOGRAPHY 12. R. P. Saller, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire (Cambridge, 1982); F. W. Danker,
Malina, B. J. The New Testament World: Insights from Cultural Anthropology. Rev. Benefactor: Epigraphic Study of a Graeco-Roman and New Testament Semantic Field (St. Louis,
1982); A. Wallace-Hadrill, ed., Patronage in Ancient Society (London, 1989); B. W. Winter, Seek the
ed. Louisville, 1993. Welfare of the City: Christians as Benefactors and Citizens (Grand Rapids, 1994). Relevant ancient
Elliott, J. H. Social-Scientific Criticism of the New Testament. London, 1995. literary sources include Cicero, On Duties and Seneca, On Benefits.
Stegemann, Ekkehard W. and Wolfgang Stegemann. The Jesus Movement: A Social 13. R. A. Kearsley, “Women in Public Life in the Roman East: Iunia Theodora, Claudia
History of Its First Century. Minneapolis, 1999. Metrodora, and Phoebe, Benefactress of Paul,” Tyndale Bulletin 50 (1999):189-211.
