As Texas Goes...: How the Lone Star State Hijacked the American Agenda

416 Pages·2012·1.65 MB·English

by  Gail Collins

ALSO BY GAIL COLLINS
When Everything Changed:
The Amazing Journey of American Women from 1960 to the Present
America’s Women:
Four Hundred Years of Dolls, Drudges, Helpmates, and Heroines
Scorpion Tongues: Gossip, Celebrity, and American Politics
The Millennium Book (with Dan Collins)
William Henry Harrison

For Gary, Mary Ann, and Patricia
Contents
Prologue
PART ONE
TEXAS: GETTING TO KNOW YOU
1 Remember the Alamo
2 Empty Places
3 It’s My Party
PART TWO
HOW TEXAS CHANGED THE NATION
4 Financial Deregulation—the Texas Angle
5 No Child Left Behind
6 The Business of Schools
7 The Textbook Wars
8 Speedy the Sperm and Friends
9 Cooling to Global Warming
PART THREE
THE TEXAS MODEL
10 The Texas Miracle, Part II
11 The Other Side of the Coin
PART FOUR
WHERE WE’RE GOING
12 We’ve Seen the Future, and It’s Texas
Epilogue
Acknowledgments
Notes
Bibliography
Appendix: Texas on the Brink
Index
Prologue
My fascination with Texas began rather suddenly. It was the spring of 2009—
you will remember, that was the season when the political right was failing to
adjust to the idea of a President Obama. And there was Governor Rick Perry at a
Tea Party rally in Austin, publicly toying with the idea that his state might
consider seceding.
It was quite a moment. Perry was standing behind a podium with a “Don’t
Mess With Texas” banner, wearing jeans, his trademark boots, and looking pretty
damned ticked off. “Texas has yet to learn submission to any oppression, come
from what source it may,” he said, quoting the state’s great founding father, Sam
Houston. When Houston made that remark, he was definitely attempting to
break away from the country to which Texas was then attached.
“We didn’t like oppression then, we don’t like oppression now!” Perry roared
to the cheering crowd, some of whom were waving “Secede!” signs. It did sure
sound like an Alamo kind of crisis. Their backs were to the wall!
And, important point: this was just a rally about the stimulus package.
It was perhaps the first time the rest of the country had taken notice of the fact
that twenty-first-century Texans did not necessarily consider the idea of breaking
away to become a separate nation as, um, nuts. We non-Texans were somewhat
taken aback. How long had this been going on? Was it something we said?
“We’ve got a great union,” Perry assured reporters after the rally ended.
“There’s absolutely no reason to dissolve it. But if Washington continues to
thumb their noses at the American people, you know, who knows what might
come of that?”
Does this sound like a serious commitment to you? Try to imagine a husband
telling his wife that he saw absolutely no reason to get a divorce—but if she
continued to fail to live up to expectations, who knows what might come of that?
You had to pay attention. Not necessarily to Perry himself, who of course went
on to become one of the worst candidates for president in all of American
history. But the rally, with its combination of egomania (We’re the best!) and
paranoia (Don’t mess with Texas!), was a near-perfect reflection of the Tea
Party’s war cry in national politics.
That’s not an accident. The more I looked at Texas, which seemed to be having
an anti-Obama rally every time a cow mooed, the more important it seemed.
Without anyone much noting it, Texas had taken a starring role in the twenty-
first-century national political discussion. For one thing, it had the hottest
economy—which the rest of us were told we’d better emulate unless we wanted
all the local employers to pack up and move to Plano. The reason Perry
imagined he could be president was the way Texas had created job growth by
hewing to the low-tax-low-regulation ethic that the political right believes should
be the model for the entire country. (The model had certain flaws, such as the
assumption that every state could scrimp on higher education and just build a
large professional class by importing people who went to college in other states.
We’ll get to that later.)
Then a friend sent me a headline from a Texas news report: “Man Allegedly
Beat Woman with Frozen Armadillo.” I was totally hooked.
So I started thinking a lot about Texas. Looking back over the last quarter
century or so, I was stunned by how much of the national agenda it had
produced, for good or ill.
Texas banking laws set the stage for the savings and loan crisis in the 1980s.
The 2008 economic meltdown was the product of a financial deregulation that
was the work of many hands, but most particularly the paws of Texas senator
Phil Gramm. Our energy policy is the way it is in large part because Texas
politicians and Texas special interests like it that way. (If the polar ice caps melt,
it’s not going to be Utah’s fault.) Schools from Portland, Oregon, to Portland,
Maine, have been remade, reorganized, and sometimes totally upended under a
federal law based on Texas education reform. For several generations, our kids
have been reading textbooks written with an eye to Texas sensibilities. Texas
presidents have led the country into every land war the United States has been
involved in since Vietnam.
Texas runs everything. Why, then, is it so cranky? Is it because of its long
string of well-funded but terrible presidential contenders? True, being the home
state of Rick Perry, the “oops” candidate, had to be embarrassing. On the other
hand, thanks to the Bushes, there’s been a Texan president or vice president for
twenty of the last thirty-two years, so the lack of White House access hardly
seems like an appropriate subject for sulking. Is it the weather? The state of
Washington has terrible weather, and you don’t see people there threatening to
secede.
The crankiness is actually a source of Texas’s political power. The state has a
remarkable ability to be two contradictory things at once. As we’ll see later, it’s a
fast-growing, increasingly urban place whose citizens have nevertheless
managed to maintain the conviction that they’re living in the wide open spaces.
And its politicians are skilled at bragging about the wonderful Texas economy
and lifestyle while wailing and rending their garments over their helplessness in
the hands of the federal Death Star in Washington. You need that sense of
victimhood because it creates energy and unity. You can’t build a Tea Party on
good news.
Another reason the Texas influence on the US is outsized is that the place is
just so damned big. The country has other hugely influential large states, like
California and New York, but they’re not on an upswing. California has more
people, but it’s hit a bad patch and it’s struggling. New York is the media capital
and it has Wall Street, but its population is flat. Texas just keeps growing, by
leaps and bounds. (Think jackrabbit. It’s a good metaphor. A really, really large
jackrabbit.)
The huge Texas population—up 4.3 million in a decade—has an enormous
impact on the country all by itself. We’ve got a super-big state with a young
citizenry and a very high birth rate. You have to figure that by 2050, the entire
United States will have a distinctly Texas cast. The state’s ability to rear,
educate, and prepare all the little Texans to take their place in the national
economy is going to be an excellent predictor of how well the whole country
will be faring down the line.
We will get into that later, but—spoiler alert—the odds of success would be
better if Texas had more control of the teenage birth rate. Did I ever tell you
about the time Rick Perry defended abstinence-only sex education by saying that
he knew from his own personal experience that abstinence worked? No? Well, I
will. Soon.
We’re not used to thinking of Texas as a driving force in American affairs, but
there you are. Even when Democrats held the White House in recent decades,
Texans seemed to be holding the reins—reins that were being used mainly to
hog-tie the chief executive. Bill Clinton had to deal with two Texans—House
majority leader Dick Armey and whip Tom DeLay—whose lasting contribution
to American history was mainly the thwarting of the Clinton agenda, particularly
health care reform. Barack Obama has been hamstrung by the power of the Tea
Party Republicans, whose first big coming-out parties were organized by Armey
and whose ideology sprang, as much as from any place coherent, from the
thinking of Texas congressman Ron Paul.
In this book, I want to try to show you how Texas has driven the national
agenda, and then what it means to have Texas as the Republican model for the
entire American economy. But first, in the next few chapters I want to introduce
you to Texas and its political history which, no matter how you slice it, is pretty
amazing.
You’d imagine a place with a motto like “Don’t Mess with Texas” would be a
small, scrappy state. But Texas is a huge, scrappy state. What could be more
unnerving? And really, there’s never a dull moment. Take the frozen armadillo
situation. I couldn’t resist looking into it, and at one point in my research I ran
into an officer of wildlife enforcement who assured me that it was illegal to sell a
live armadillo in Texas. “Dead armadillos you can sell parts of them,” he added.
“Make a curio of a little armadillo on his back drinking a bottle of beer.”
How could you not want to know more about a state like that, particularly
when it appears to have been setting the entire national agenda for decades,
while continually howling about how the federal government is pushing it
around?
And the people are great. I can attest that I had a wonderful time with everyone
I met while I was wandering around, trying to figure out how Texas inspired a
national education law which the politicians in Texas now denounce on an
almost hourly basis, or why a state that would get more economic benefit than
anybody from the health care reform law is so determined to repeal the health