Table Of ContentAggression in the Sports World
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Aggression in the
Sports World
A Social Psychological Perspective
GORDON W. RUSSELL
Department of Psychology & Neuroscience
University of Lethbridge
Lethbridge, Alberta, Canada
1
2008
3
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Russell, Gordon W., 1931-
Aggression in the sports world: a social psychological perspective / Gordon W. Russell.
p. cm.
ISBN: 978-0-19-518959-9
1. Sports—Psychological aspects. 2. Aggressiveness. I. Title.
GV706.4.R867 2008
796.01—dc22
2007028594
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
Dedicated to my granddaughters
Serena and Sierra, my two budding scholars
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Preface
Three decades ago I produced a bibliography of books on human aggression. At
that time the total number was conservatively estimated to be well in excess of
350 volumes (Baron, 1977, p. vi). That number has likely tripled. Why would
I think yet another book on human aggression is called for, especially a book
focused on sports? There are several reasons for this.
With the exception of Michael Smith’s (1983) book Violence and Sport, and
John Kerr’s (2005) theoretical treatment of the topic in Rethinking Aggression
and Violence in Sport, sports aggression has not received comprehensive cover-
age by an academic writer. Of course, aspects of sports aggression have received
coverage as chapters in edited works or multitopic, sport psychology textbooks.
Among edited books, Goldstein’s (1983) Sports Violence stands alone in being
totally dedicated to the topic. Considering the rapidly expanding literature on
aggression in sports since the early eighties, I am hopeful that its incorporation
in the present volume will largely fi ll that void.
Our behavior in other applied settings, that is, the classroom or the work-
place, has been intensively investigated, the results of which produced a rich
tradition of research and theory extending back well over 100 years. Educational
psychology and industrial/organizational psychology represent major areas of
academic inquiry. Seemingly, investigators gave priority to the “serious” topics
of our performance in the classroom and on the assembly line long before inter-
est was shown in the more “frivolous” questions associated with our leisure-time
pursuits. However, how people choose to spend their time when they are not in
the classroom or at work is equally important in shaping the overall develop-
ment and mental/physical well-being of the individual and, ultimately, society.
The options open to us are endless. One of our after-work choices is sports
broadly defi ned. My second reason then for writing this book is to further the
topic of aggression as a major investigative area of inquiry within sports.
vii
viii Preface
The body of scientifi c writings on human aggression is vast with contributions
from academics representing nearly every department listed in a typical univer-
sity calendar. My aim was to develop a strong interdisciplinary theme centered
on social psychology and to blend in the best in scholarly research from a variety
of disciplines. To adequately address the wide-ranging questions that arise in
sports aggression requires crossing the boundaries of numerous disciplines, that
is, pharmacology, economics, physical e ducation, and animal studies, among oth-
ers. I trust I have incorporated suffi cient studies from other academic areas to
provide a fair and b alanced picture of their contributions to our understanding of
the processes underlying sports aggression.
A signifi cant portion of the book has relevance for questions related to aggres-
sion on the fi eld of play, among those watching from the stands and in the media.
To date these areas appear to have attracted the lion’s share of interest from sport
researchers, while other aggression topics have received only spotty coverage.
For example, relatively fewer studies in the areas of cognition, environmental
factors, or social infl uence have tested h ypotheses specifi cally in sports settings.
Consequently, at times I was required to generalize from nonsport studies in
making a point or in explaining a particular relationship. However, my goal
throughout was to provide my colleagues and their students with a current and
informative description of the d ynamics underlying aggressive behaviors occur-
ring in the sports world.
Given my commitment to promoting an international perspective on sport
research, I recognize that a number of terms used in different sports may baffl e
some of my readers. In addition, the language of fans in various cultures may be
obscure to many. I will endeavor to slip in an explanation where these occur. For
starters, when my discussion moves beyond the borders of the United States and
involves people kicking a round ball up and down a fi eld, I will generally refer
to the sport as football. Within the United States, it is soccer. However, if the
ball is pointy at both ends, the game will be called American football.
Finally, a word about the various terms used to describe those observing
sports from the stands or in the media. Sport fans are those with an ongoing
interest in following an athlete, team, or sport and those who derive pleasure
from watching the contest. Sports spectators can also be called sports consum-
ers witnessing events actively from the bleachers or indirectly through media
channels (Wann, Melnick, Russell, & Pease, 2001). They do not necessarily fol-
low a particular team nor have an abiding interest in the sport. For example, a
couple and their children may be in attendance because they been given tickets
by their boss. Others watching a game may be called supporters. Supporters are
roughly equivalent to fans, although in the context of European football they
may additionally hold formal membership in a team’s supporters club. Hooligans
represent a further element often found in attendance at football matches. Their
role is generally one of fomenting d isturbances before, during, or after a match.
While they may align themselves with a particular team, it is merely a “fl ag of
convenience” under which they can do battle with the police or supporters of
rival teams (Kerr & de Kock, 2002). Their activities frequently have little to do
with events on the pitch.
Preface ix
I should acknowledge at the outset that I have made no formal attempt
to defi ne “sports.” Extant defi nitions (e.g., Loy, McPherson, & Kenyon, 1978)
are being stretched to the breaking point by various organizations, and their
f ollowing, eager to gain formal recognition as a sport. As examples, c heerleading
and ballroom dancing, the latter recently being marketed as sport dancing,
appear to be looking for a place on the Olympic calendar. My choice in the
midst of this confusion was to cast a wider-than-usual net in gathering studies
to be featured on the pages ahead. Admittedly, I have strayed beyond the bounds
of most defi nitions by including such dubious sports as professional wrestling,
paintball, cheerleading, and video games. Obviously, a number of sports would
be better called “activities,” “entertainment,” or “pastimes.”
I wish to thank those who have given me continuing encouragement through-
out the writing of this book. I am grateful to Dr. Lori Handelman, senior editor
at Oxford University Press, for her steadfast support and encouragement. I am
also indebted to my friend and colleague, Dr. Hal Weaver, for his technical
assistance, wise counsel, and ready wit. My special thanks to my wife Audrey
and our children, Cameron and Shelley, for their unfl agging support and under-
standing over the course of the past several years.
Prof. Gordon W. Russell
