Table Of ContentA A
GAINST VAKIANISM
A
JITH
PublishedbyChristopheKistler
[email protected]
Utrecht,2017
1stprinting(EU):50copies
1stprinting(US)
ThisbookisunderlicenseAttribution-ShareAlike4.0
International(CCBY-SA4.0)
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
CONTENTS PAGE
Introduction 5
TheSpecialMeetingandtheRCPLetter 6
TheEthicsofAvakianistPolemics 11
TheArbitraryStagesofAvakianism 29
Mis-renderingMao 35
APerversionofInternationalism 43
TheNationalTaskinOppressedNations 50
The National Question in Imperialist 62
Countries
InfantileCriticismofUnitedFrontTactics 73
GuttingMarxistPolitical-Economy 84
TheWorldSituation 95
SocialistDemocracy 102
Truth, Class Interests and the Scientific 125
Method
ARationalistCritiqueofReligion 143
Some"Postist"TraitsofAvakianism 150
StrugglewithintheRIM 164
MoreDevious,MoreDangerous 171
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4
INTRODUCTION
In early 2012, a Special Meeting of the Parties and
Organisations of the Revolutionary Internationalist
Movement (RIM) was successfully concluded. The
resolutions of the Special Meeting (SM) were released
on the 1st of May. (They can be accessed at
www.thenaxalbari.blogspot.com) Following this the
Revolutionary Communist Party, USA (henceforth
RCP) circulated a letter titled, ‘Letter To Participating
Parties And Organisations Of The Revolutionary
Internationalist Movement’. It was dated 1-5-2012 and
designated ‘Not for Publication’. Barely two months
later it went online.1 This haste is well exposed by the
contents of the letter. It is a vicious attack on the SM
and its resolutions. But before we get into that some
historymustberecounted.
5
THESPECIALMEETINGANDTHERCPLETTER
The Special Meeting was the product of a persistent
and determined struggle to resist and beat back
conscious efforts to liquidate the RIM. This struggle
wasinitiatedin2009byindividualpartiesinthemidst
of the intensification of the global crisis and people’s
struggles.2 Their efforts led to the issuance of Joint
May Day statements from 2009 onwards, thus once
again taking the collective views of the Maoists to the
peoples of the world. The issue of reorganising and
reviving the RIM as part of building towards an
International of a new type was brought back on the
agenda. Important seminars, joint meetings and
activities were conducted as part of this process,
deepening and widening it.3 This also involved inputs
fromMaoistpartieswhichwerenotpartoftheRIM.
In this course the necessity of a meeting which would
carry out a preliminary summation of the RIM and
formally initiate a proposal for an International
Conference was recognised. An invitation for the
meeting was issued in the name of four parties, the
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan [C(m)PA],
Maoist Communist Party of Italy [mCPI], Proletarian
Party of Purba Bangla [Bangladesh] [PBSP] and
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)
NAXALBARI [CPI (M-L) NAXALBARI]. The
invitation observed that “… the present collapse of the
RIM is the result of the paralysis of the Committee of
the RIM (CoRIM) arising from positions, serious
ideological, political differences that emerged among
some member parties of the CoRIM.” 4 It went on to
6
state, “ Since the CoRIM has failed in the task it was
entrusted with, we the undersigned parties are taking
up the responsibility of organising a Special Meeting
of the RIM … seeking the participation of all its
member parties …” The tasks of this Meeting were
proposed as “Identify and sum-up the ideological,
political and organisational factors which have
brought the RIM to the present crisis and collapse.”
and “Decide on the schedule and agenda of an
international conference of all Maoist forces, charged
with the task of seeking out principled, ideologically
consistent, unity amongst themselves and regrouping
at the international level.” It was also clarified that
“While these two should be the main agenda, other
topics could be included depending on the decision of
thedelegatesparticipatingintheEM.”
All the parties involved in drafting the invitation had
their definite views on what the “positions, serious
ideological, political differences that emerged among
some member parties of the CoRIM” were about. Yet
this, as well as naming of the parties whose positions
and differences was considered responsible for the
“collapse of the RIM”, were purposefully avoided. It
was considered that it would be better to place all of
these matters directly in the meeting. The majority of
the signatories were clear that the RCP had put itself
outside the RIM and the broader international Maoist
movement through its new ideological positions. But,
in view of the unevenness and differences among RIM
parties on this matter, it was commonly accepted that
the RCP as well as other parties adhering to its
positions should be invited. Every effort was made to
7
reach the invitation to all RIM participating parties
and organisations through available channels. Parties
directly approached were requested to pass on the
invitation. Feedback showed that either the invitation
or, at the minimum, information about the meeting
had indeed reached everyone. The RCP position that
it“doesnotintendtoparticipate”wasconveyedtothe
invitingpartiesindirectly.
While calling on all RIM parties to participate, it was
clear to the inviters that a UCPN (M) led by the
Prachanda-Bhattarai faction could not be allowed
representation in the SM, given their blatant
revisionism and sell out. The Maoist faction within
the UCPN (M) struggling against the Prachanda-
Bhattarai revisionist line was involved in the
consultations during the drafting of the invitation. At
that time they were expecting that the revisionist
centre in the UCPN (M) could be ousted through a
rebellion and a split avoided. They conveyed that this
would definitely be realised well before the proposed
meeting. This was the basis for including the name of
the UCPN (M) as a signatory in a draft of the
invitation. It was clearly understood that if the
separation from the Prachanda-Bhattarai revisionist
centre was not actualised the Maoist faction would be
participating only as observers. Later, when it became
clear that these comrades' rebellion was getting
deferred, it was decided (through consultations
involving them as well) to remove UCPN (M) from
the list of signatories. Thus, only the four parties
mentioned above appeared as signatories on the
finalised version of the invitation that was sent out to
allRIMparties,excepttheUCPN(M).
8
In keeping with the proposed agenda two draft
resolutions were prepared. Since contact with the
PBSP was broken for a lengthy period these
resolutions were prepared without their participation.
But the finalised drafts could be reached to them. Just
around the time when the Special Meeting was to be
convened, the PBSP informed that it would not be
participating due to logistical reasons. It was their
opinion that “RCP’s New Synthesis has not been
debated. Without much debate and analysis this type
of line-question should not be settled”. Conveying
news about a letter the RCP is writing to all RIM
parties, they had in a separate communication
suggested that the SM be postponed till that letter was
received and studied.5 This suggestion was rejected.
The SM was carried out with a delegation of the Red
FactionoftheUCPN(M)joiningasobserver.
So this was the first time we heard about the RCP’s
letter.Itstimingwasquitesuspicious.Forseveralyears
now the RCP has been publicly propagating that the
ideas of its Chairman must be adopted by the
international communist movement as its ideological
basis.6 This amounts to liquidating the ideological
foundations of the RIM.7 The very relevance of the
international Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement was
being negated. The RCP had been continuously
refusing to discharge the responsibilities assigned to it
within the RIM. Hence it was quite obvious that the
sudden inspiration to write to all RIM parties was a
devious response to the SM, meant to derail or at the
leastdelayit.Thatfailed.
The RCP letter was finally sent out, deceitfully
9
labelled “Not for Publication”; remember, this was
coming from a party that had placed itself outside the
ranksoftheRIMinallsenses!Butanyploy,nomatter
how ludicrous, must be allowed its due share of time.
That is the one thing the RCP can’t spare. It is in a
blind rush to impose its ideas, ‘everywhere and
everywhen’. So, hardly two months later, the
‘internal’letterwentonline,evenattheriskofgetting
exposed in its misleading game of ‘adherence to
norms’.ThatishowthingsstandwiththeRCP’sletter
anditsvaryingavatars.
10
