A celebration of demons: Exorcism and the aesthetics of healing in Sri Lanka

346 Pages·1983·17.262 MB·English

by  Bruce Kapferer

A CELEBRATION
O K D E K O N S
Exorcism and the Aesthetics of
Healing in Sri l^anka
BRUCE KAPFERER
Indiana University Press
Bloomington 3^ d
This book has been produced from camera-ready copy
provided by the author.
First Midland Book Edition 1983
Copyright c 1983 by Bruce Kapferer
All rights reserved
No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any
means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or
by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publisher. The Association of American University Presses'
Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition.
Manufactured in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publications Data
Kapferer, Bruce.
A celebration of demons.
Bibliography: p.
Includes Index.
1. Exorcism—Sri Lanka. 2. Demonology—Sri Lanka.
I. Title
BF1559.K36 1983 133.4'2'095493 81-48677
ISBN 0-253-31326-0. , ,
ISBN 0-253-20304-X(pbk.) <QL HQ- 7,2^
1 2 3 4 5 87 86 85 84 83 ' ° ' ' '
http://avaxhome.ws/blogs/ChrisRedfield
FOR
Chandra Jayawardena (1929 - 1981)
Teacher and Friend
Contents
Foreword by Victor Turner ix
Preface xiii
1. Introduction 1
2. Exorcism, Class, and Change in Urban Sri Lanka 12
3. Exorcists 37
(4^ Demonic Illness: Diagnosis and Social Context 49
5. Exorcisms and the Symbolic Identity of Women 92
6. The Demonic Illusion: Demons and the Cosmic Hierarchy 111
(ij The Exorcism of the Great Cemetery Demon:
Event and Structure in Major Exorcisms 129
8. Music, Dance, and Trance 178
9. The Comedy of Gods and Demons 207
10. Epilogue: A Celebration of Demons 232
Notes 239
Bibliography 264
Glossary 277
Subject Index 284
Author Index 291
Illustrations
Map: Sri Lanka and Research Area
Figures
1. Main exorcists from whom Nandoris learnt
and with whom he performs
2. Principal participants in Asoka's illness (Case 1)
3. Principal participants in Sunil's illness (Case 2)
4. Principal participants in Indranie's illness (Case 3)
5. The setting of exorcism performance
6. Demon palace and demon baskets
7. Main phases and media in construction
and destruction of demonic
Tables
1. Major Exorcism Patients: sex, age, and occupation
2. Major Exorcism Patients: sex, exorcism type,
and other treatment
3. Patient symptoms
4. Proportion of patients receiving minor to major
exorcism treatment
5. Major events of the Mahasona
Plates
1. Major Demons: Suniyam, Kalu Kumara,
Mahasona and Riri Yaka
2. A photographic description of the
Great Cemetery demon exorcism
3. Some events in the Rata Yakuma, Sanni Yakuma,
and Suniyam a
Foreword
Sri Lanka has recently become a major focus of international
anthropological attention, due to the research and writings of a number of
extremely gifted anthropologists, both native and foreign. Earlier important
studies (Leach 1962; Yalman 1962, 1964) had discussed Sinhalese religion and
ritual in terms of Gallo-structuralism and British empiricism. H. L.
Seneviratne's Rituals of the Kandyan State (1978) has recently provided us
with a lapidary description and analysis of the Kandyan Sinhalese theory of
society as a balanced hierarchy embracing social and natural orders and
made annually visible in the complex and colorful Asala festival, "perhaps
one of the largest ever held in the Buddhist world" (p. 70). Other Sri Lankan
and British and American scholars, such as Pieris, Tambiah, ObeyesekPre,
Gombrich, and Ames, have made rich ethnographic and elucidative
contributions on which Bruce Kapferer, the author of this volume, was
fortunate to have been able to draw.
Kapferer's book is a pioneering study in the emerging field of
performance studies represented, to my knowledge, by but a single
university department in the United States, the Department of Performance
Studies at New York University, which aims to bring the social sciences and
arts together to shape theory and methods and is cross-cultural and
interdisciplinary in perspective. Kapferer's approach is, however, less
eclectic and cleaves more closely to traditional anthropological concerns,
combining structuralist, semiotic, and processual concepts and procedures
into an original and powerful mode of analysis which takes aesthetic
features of ritual into full theoretical account. For him, aesthetics involves
the study of the processes of producing and experiencing ritual
[/"performances. He views the demon exorcism ceremonies of the Sinhalese
I working class and peasantry as a set of intersecting "scores" orchestrating a
j range of performative genres drumming, dance movements, gesturing,
I singing of sacred texts, the manipulation of ritual paraphernalia (masks,
I costumes, offering-baskets, coconut palm leaves), food preparation,
j, feasting, improvised "low comedy," and the like, which themselves pass
!j irreversibly through major phases. For each phase certain genres are
X reword
dominant and critical: for example, chanting, singing, dance, and music
prevail in the "midday to midnight period," reaching a climax at midnight,
when "the terrible sense of the demonic builds in the quickening rhythm and
tempo of the music and the movement of the dance . . . and often
culminates in the demonic possession of the patient." Contrastingly, a
sequence of dramatic acts begins after midnight in the important Mahasona
(Great Cemetery Demon) exorcism, which amount to a comedic, indeed
"profane," "obscene," Rabelaisian "put down" of the hitherto menacing and
darkly numinous mood of demonic possession. There begins a comedic
dialogue between dancers and drummers, full of "puns, spoonerisms,
profanities, sexual innuendo ..." These shifts in genre, mood, and tempo
are in no way arbitrary. They are responsive to cosmological beliefs,
paramount among which is the idea of a hierarchy of all living beings, which
places deities above humans, and humans above animals. The health and
welfare of human society and individual, the smooth functioning of the
natural and cultural orders, the purity of society's places and times, a right
relationship between and among all classes of living beings depend upon the
recognition of and willing acquiescence in this cosmic arrangement of
beings, persons, and things arranged in order of rank, grade, and class. For
Sinhalese (not only the lower classes, but the middle and upper classes too),
reality is mapped by this determinate, asymmetrical ordering of invisible
and visible entities, at whose obscure summit is the Buddha (though, in a
sense, he is outside all "chains of being" whatsoever in a locus of Absolute
Nothingness as the Kyoto School of Buddhist philosophy might define
nirvanic emptiness). The "real" is hierarchical, in Kapferer's reading of
Sinhalese thought. He argues that demons are masters of "illusion." They
cause illness (both what Westerners might call "mental" and "physical"
illness) by deluding human beings that they (the demons) occupy a higher
place in the unalterable hierarchy of beings than they do, are in fact not
demons but deities (who also possess the power of generating illusions, but
only for some ultimately edifying purpose). Subversion of hierarchy is to
substitute chaos for cosmos, illness for health, disorder for order, falsity for
truth, pollution for purity, delusion for plain sensory evidence, vainglory for
humility, solipsism for awareness of others, negation for affirmation of
social interaction, and so on.
Kapferer contends that there is a deep link between cosmology and
aesthetics. For example, the nature of the music and dancing during the
midnight watch produces the almost Kierkegaardian obsession with the
demonic, the condition in which the self is aware of nothing but its own
experiences and states, and hence, since men and women are defined in
Sinhalese terms as "relational" beings, is in alienated terror. This is
explained as the hallucinatory power conceded in the scheme of things to
demons, who can make things appear not only other than they are but also
twist reality itself by subverting human behavior. Yet within the frame of
exorcizing ritual, the "show" of demonic behavior itself becomes a means
directed towards the ultimate therapeutic intention of such ritual. For it
makes manifest to the "real" senses of the patient and onlookers the "real"
intention of demons, which then becomes accessible to the remedial action
of the ritual process. To disclose, as Western depth psychologists well know,
is to expose to therapeutic action. The unknown is the dangerous: while
demons can clothe their deception in glamorous numinosity, they have
power. When they are manifested as Mahasona is revealed
(paradoxically) in his masked representations they can be humiliated,
which is a crucial part of the patient's "treatment." Demons seek to hide
themselves from "reality," that is, from exposure of their "true" place in the
cosmic hierarchy. Once they are "caught out," they have nowhere to go,
Foreword xi
except into ridiculous disgrace. In parallel fashion, the patient is brought
out of her/his demonic obsession/possession and restored to the world of
social relationships and recognition of "others." Thus the comic is the
/ performative genre through which the "normal" hierarchical order is
restored as the model for "reality." When demons are mocked into their
proper place in the scheme of things, they cease to be awesome and become
ridiculous.
In the course of his scrutiny of the rites, Kapferer discusses Sinhalese
interpretations of key symbols and concepts, and relates rites to myths
which explain them to the participants' satisfaction. His critical
examination and investigation of the processual normative and aesthetic
structures of the Mahasona exorcist rites are, to my knowledge, the best
work anywhere available on the performative sequencing of an
institutionalized ritual ensemble. His discussion of the peculiar affinity of
such aesthetic modes as music and dance with the cultural construction of
the "demonic" is unsurpassed, and recalls Kierkegaard's descripton of the
"dumbness" of demonical possession (Journals: New York, Harper and Row,
1959:136): "Christ cast out a devil and it was dumb . . . have you never been
so indescribably distressed, that the power of sorrow over your whole being
was almost like the powers of nature: then you have experienced what it
means to be dumb, experienced the feeling of being unable, even though
your life were at stake, to express the agony that rocked deeply within you,
and selfish of itself made you dumb in order that you might not rid
yourself of it. For that is how infinite sorrow is egotistical; it makes a man
dumb in order to keep him in its power." Yet music, in Sinhalese exorcism
also has its redressive and restorative modes.
Music and dance are clearly basic codes controlling the therapeutic
process. Yet Kapferer is not content with "emic" explanation of exorcism,
one making use of indigenous categories of organization and explanation.
Instead he draws on the "etic" explanations (aspiring to universal,
comparative efficacy) of George Herbert Mead (1863-1931), the
distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the University of Chicago, a leading
figure in the Deweyan tradition of pragmatist instrumentalism. Mead
argued that voluntary conduct is constructed in a sequence of adjustments in
which a person responds to himself as well as to what else he perceives. He
discriminates between the Me, the object one forms of oneself from the
formal or accepted standards of society mediated through significant
"others," and the I, the response of the unique indvidual to his perception of
the concrete historical situation in which he finds himself. The Me is
multiple, consisting of the sum-total of the role-statuses, the self is
conditioned by others to occupy or interiorize. The succession of I's
responding to Me "images" forms the basis of individuality. The self
constantly refers to the standpoint of the salient group in which he/she
occupies status-roles. Kapferer argues that demonic possession occurs
when, for some reason, the I is radically detached from the Me and is
solipsistic, aware of nothing but its own experiences and states. Initial
possession, to the contrary, according to Kapferer, is characterized by
absorption of the I in the Me, or in Durkheimian terms, the substitution of
collective representations for individual representations. Here the
transcendental displaces the individual self. But in demonic possession, the
multiple social "selves" are nullified and the patient is encysted in her/his I,
a condition reminiscent of the Western concept "schizophrenia," in which
there is held to be a separation between thought process and emotions and
the generation of delusions and hallucinations.
Kapferer sees the processual structure of exorcist rites in Sri Lanka as
directed to the "resocialization" of the patient, who "becomes as a little
I'
Foreword
child," a social tabula rasa, who must be reinscribed with the multiple
personae representing the Me, the cluster of social "selves." He recognizes
that there are many cultural "kinds" of demons and hence many modes
of withdrawal from participation in the social fields and networks of Sri
Lankan cultural existence. But he postulates that a pan-human process
underlies all specific Sinhalese modes of ritual redressal through exorcism
myths, rituals, and symbols. In all societies individual human beings
construe their pathways through life, he would argue, in terms of adjusting
to a series of bodily conditions, perceptions of objects, enculturated images,
and learned behavior vis-a-vis subjectively important others, beginning with
members of one's own family. Pressures to self-control are present from
the beginning; it soon becomes subjectively advantageous to anticipate the
social structure of the situation in which the I will be involved, and thus to
cooperate and oppose successfully. Feedback is therefore an important
attribute of self-control, and feedback depends in social life on the help of
social conventions, society's crude means of securing predictability. In
Meadian terms, the fact that all participants in a given sociocultural system
control themselves from the same perspective which he describes as
"the Generalized Other" makes the intercalibration of social action
possible. Kapferer presents a substantial sample of case studies of exorcism
rites. His concern is with the social construction of illness and its definition
in context, and the process of this as it is mediated culturally.
This magnificent book reveals clearly how the very "weakness" of
demons "in structure," and the manifestation of "their extreme disordering
power when they are ^freed from a subordination in the structure of
hierarchy" are linked to the marvellous aesthetic efficacy of the rites. For
demons are master of "illusion" and hence masters of art, particularly art in
performance. The fascination for Sinhalese (particularly those of the lower
classes) of these rituals, with their sumptuous costumes, terrifying masks,
transvestite episodes, masterful drum rhythms, swirling and tumbling
dances, thematic code-switchings, trancings and possessions, transitions
from fear and trembling to slapstick laughter, consists not solely in the high
religious meanings conveyed through symbolic action but also in that
possibly more mysterious domain, play and entertainment. To entertain is,
etymologically, "to hold between," that is, to place in a "liminal" condition,
on a threshold between mundane spaces and times. Normative structures of
everyday are pushed aside, except in so far as they are "symbolically" and
"ludically" represented, as in the comedic episodes, where they form an
intrinsic part of the demonic scenario. Demons, then, are supreme
entertainers; they allow workers to enter into a "subjunctive" realm where
all is magical possibility, where gods and demons mingle (often literally,
through possessions) with mortals, and fantasies both standardized and
personal may be enacted in thought, word, and deed. Kapferer wonderfully
captures for us the mood, the life, smack and color of exorcist rituals, while
revealing the great design, the cosmological schema, which forms the
solemn ground for the ludic figure and which vouchsafes and allows the
latter its lustrous, illusory moment of therapeutic chaos.
Preface
This is a study of major Sinhalese demon ceremonies or exorcisms
performed in and around the town of Galle in southern Sri Lanka. These
rites richly display many of the ideas by which Sinhalese Buddhists, and
urban working class and peasants especially, comprehend their world. I
explore through exorcism aspects of the social and political life of
Sinhalese, the nature of the Sinhalese Buddhist religious system and most
specifically the logic of exorcism cure. I describe one rite in particular, the
ceremony of the Great Cemetery Demon, and extend from this into a
discussion of the way exorcism ritual effects key transitions and
transformations in identity, experience, meaning and action. The analysis
develops an approach to ritual which stresses the critical importance of
considering performance and especially the role of the aesthetic. Music,
dance and comic drama are key aesthetic forms in the splendid
performances of demon ceremonies and I examine their role in the
organization of ritual experience and the communication of its vital import.
Exorcisms are not to be understood by confining them within the
interpretational or theoretical scheme of a particular sub-discipline in
anthropology. They are healing rites, but to restrict their understanding to
the types of problems which conventionally arise within the field of medical
anthropology, for example, is to risk overlooking many significant aspects of
them which are of relevance to other fields of enquiry within and outside
anthropology. Within the limits of my own training as an anthropologist, I
have tried to adopt a perspective which examines the phenomenon of the
demonic and exorcism in its own terms and which reveals them as being of
multiple interest not only for the understanding of Sinhalese culture, but
also for understanding dimensions of human action and experience more
generally, whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere.
One of the great benefits of engaging in ethnographic research in Sri
Lanka is the high quality of available ethnographies and the many excellent
articles and books published by local and overseas scholars about what is a
highly complex cultural scene. Without the work of such scholars as M. B.
Ariyapala, Ralph Peiris, Edmund Leach, Michael Ames, S. J. Tambiah,
Gananath Obeyesekere, Kitsiri Malalgoda, H. L. Seneviratne, Nur Yalman,