Child Advocacy: Psychological Issues and Interventions

235 Pages·1983·4.73 MB·English

by  Gary B. Melton (auth.)

CHILD
ADVOCACY
Psychological Issues and Interventions
CHILD
ADVOCACY
Psychological Issues and Interventions
GARY B. MELTON
University of Nebraska
Lincoln, Nebraska
PLENUM PRESS • l\,'EW YORK AND LONDON
Library ofCongTess Cataloging in Publication Data
Melton, Garv B.
Child advocacy.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Children's rights - United States. 2. Children - Legal stalus, laws, ell. - U niled
Slates. I. Title. [DNLM: 1. Child advocacy. WA 320 M528c]
HQ789.M44 1983 305.2'3'0973 83-2255
ISBN-13: 978-1-4613-3589-4 e-ISBN-13: 978-1-4613-3587-0
DOl: 10.1007/978-1-4613-3587-0
© 1983 Plenum Press, New York
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1s t edition 1983
A Division of Plenum Publishing Corporation
233 Spring Street, New York, N.Y. 10013
All rights reserved
No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in
any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, record
ing, or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher
Foreword
The details of the history of child advocacy have been vividly described in an
article by Takanishi (1978). In reviewing her work and that of others, four
historical phases in child advocacy can be identified:
1. The first period was the evolution of the concept of childhood as a
distinct and separate developmental stage. Aries (1962) has described how
the concept of childhood as a period different from adulthood did not evolve
philosophically until the sixteenth century. It was only after that time,
through the influence of Rousseau and other philosophers, that childhood was
seen, at first romantically, and later more realistically, as a special time for
growth and learning, with unique styles and mechanisms.
2. It was not until the nineteenth century, however, with the rapid rise
of science and major socioeconomic changes that a formal effort was made to
identify and try to meet children's needs. A number of organizations specifi
cally devoted to children arose and attempts to help children in ways consis
tent with the developing knowledge became a major social issue. Initially, the
interest was in children's health with infant mortality, child labor, and safety
as paramount issues. Although socioeconomic factors initiated the change
(children's labor was no longer economically necessary), a basic humanistic
philosophy underlay this phase. Major dedication to alleviating the pain and
injury done to children who were helpless to defend themselves and who were
being deprived of opportunities for growth became the goal. To accomplish
this, political action was necessary. Although not labeled as advocacy, politi
cal forces were mobilized to bring about important legislative action (e.g.,
passage of child labor laws). But on the whole, the thrust was single-issue
oriented rather than a general, broadly based philosophical or social
movement.
Nevertheless, the issues that arose in phase two became symbolic of sig
nificant change in the social responsibility regarding children. What finally
v
vi FOREWORD
resulted was the initiation of national thrusts, such as the White House Con
ferences on Children starting in 1909 and the establishment of the Children's
Bureau in 1912-the latter mandated to collect statistics and develop a strat
egy aimed to improve the conditions of children in the United States.
3. The third phase can be characterized by the rise of institutional status
for child advocacy and the more general recognition for child advocacy as a
social movement. These were derived from the United Nations Declaration
in 1959 of the Rights of Children and the White House Conference in 1960
which listed the rights of children. Both these documents generated further
interest in a much broader conception of children's needs and of the social
structures necessary to meet them. It was out of this background that the 1969
Joint Commission on the Mental Health of Children for the first time in
United States history defined a concept of "child advocacy." In the volume
Crisis in Child Mental Health: Challenge for the Seventies, "child advocacy"
was conceptually separated from both the delivery of services and the lobbying
for specific individual issues (as had occurred in the early part of the century).
The definition, which bears repeating, was:
The child deserves an advocate to represent him and his needs to the society in
which he lives, an advocate who will insist that programs and services based on
sound child development knowledge be available to every child as a public utility
the promotion of national, state, and community responsibility and initiative in
developing comprehensive and systematic programs of prevention and treatment,
in increasing the accountability of those who minister relevant programs, and in
coordinating and organizing resources for supportive, effective, and coordinated
programs for our children and youth. (Joint Commission, 1970, p. 9)
Since 1969 there have been a number of books and articles on child advo
cacy and many individuals have been identified as child advocates. Indeed,
Sweden has recognized the institutional need for child advocates by designat
ing ombudsmen as a significant social role.
But the most important contribution of this third historical phase was
the development of both conceptual models and empirical bases for the child
advocacy field. Thus, in addition to the political and humanistic thrusts that
formed the basis of earlier historical periods, there also arose greater concern
with conceptualizing and studying the basic assumptions of child advocacy
and their implications. The value of such conceptual and empirical elabora
tion served not only to legitimize the area but also removed it in part from
the often ephemeral, personal, or political realm, adding a a base of knowledge
that could remain as a permanent contribution to future understanding and
planning.
Over the last decade at least three issues have surfaced in the child advo-
FOREWORD vii
cacy field: What is the role of the professional and what is the role of the
parent as a child advocate? In what way are the problems of children's rights
consistent with or in opposition to parents' rights and how can these be rec
onciled? What are the implications of an advocacy program based on a phi
losophy of child liberation as compared to one based on a paternalistic and
protectionistic philosophy? The answers to these questions are highly complex
and will take many years to be answered.
In 1970, the Joint Commission on the Mental Health of Children rec
ommended a national advocacy structure with advocacy units at local, state,
and federal levels. Unfortunately, this national program of child advocacy
organizations was not implemented. What did evolve, however, in a few states
such as Massachusetts, were small child advocacy centers or task forces that
have had some success locally but minimal impact on a national level.
In addition to conceptualization, over the last decade a large body of data
has been collected on attitudes toward children, the structure and organiza
tion of children's services, the role of the professional, and the effectiveness of
various mental health programs. As society's responsibility for children has
increased, there also has been greater concern with integrating the frag
mented programs of employment, nutrition, education, recreation, and health.
But institutionalizing the concept of child advocacy has not been enough.
What seems clear is that an ideology favorable to children in the United States
is lacking. The socialist countries have invested a great deal in children
because they believe that they can mold a "new man" for the next generation.
Scandinavian countries have invested in children because of an underlying
deep philosophical commitment to assisting the helpless and powerless.
Whether or not a child advocacy structure can be developed in the United
States without an underlying and constructive ideology of the value of chil
dren (other than as consumers) has yet to be seen.
4. Children historically have been most vulnerable to socioeconomic
changes in the United States. In the late 1970s and early 1980s the economic
situation has worsened. As a result, in a fourth phase, there seems to be a
slowing of interest and concern in general and with child advocacy in partic
ular. Children, unable to be a force in the political system, have fallen easy
victim to reduced resources while other groups with greater political influ
ence have been heard and given priority. For example, the 1980 White House
Conference on Children and Youth was canceled as a national conference
and was organized instead as a series of individual state conferences. Funds
for children's programs have been reduced markedly. Discussion of children's
needs and ways to meet these needs has dramatically abated.
viii FOREWORD
Despite these changes, however, child advocacy as an area remains a sig
nificant historical event that will continue to have profound impact on the
organization, structure, and development of children's services on a national
scale well into the future. One of the contributions to this brighter future is
Dr. Melton's current volume.
Dr. Melton's book is a comprehensive review of child advocacy, for it
integrates the historical, humanistic, political, theoretical, and empirical
aspects of the field, placing all these elements within an ecological framework.
Thus, it broadens the field further than have others. As the boundaries
between professional functioning and social action become more narrow and
as we begin to evolve an inevitable national child, youth, and family policy
(as has taken place in many industrialized countries) based on integrated sci
entific data derived from many fields-law, anthropology, social work, soci
ology, psychology, psychiatry, education-Dr. Melton's volume, ranging from
theory to grass-roots political action, will be seen as a significant contribution
toward stemming the tide of retreat by continuing to raise our consciousness
and showing how we must mobilize our resources to improve the quality of
life for our children and youth and, in that way, the quality of life for all
future generations.
MILTON F. SHORE, PH.D.
Llssociate l7hieye
Mental Health Study l7enter
National Institute oye Mental Health
Acknowledgments
Undoubtedly the most rewarding aspects of writing a book come near its com
pletion. There is the obvious reward associated with the crystallization of
one's ideas on paper, especially when, as is the case with this volume, the topic
is one of substantial social import. Beyond the sense of accomplishment that
comes with the completion of a book about a topic about which one feels
deeply, though, the end of a writing project brings the opportunity to thank
publicly some of the people who have contributed to the development of the
ideas in the book.
Let me begin this pleasant task by thanking several colleagues who
reviewed all or part of the manuscript: Alden Abbott, Gerald Koocher, Milton
Shore, Ross Thompson, and Lois Weithorn. The manuscript is stronger as a
result of their comments.
Several student assistants at the University of Virginia contributed their
energies to library research which was useful in providing background for
some of the issues discussed in this volume. Thanks are due Karen Bisset,
James Faubion (who coauthored Chapter 9), Daniella Levine, and Irwin
ShuL
Chapter 2 was based upon my doctoral dissertation at Boston University.
The assistance of my dissertation committee (Gerald Koocher, Frances
Grossman, and Verne McArthur) in formulating this research is gratefully
acknowledged.
Chapter 7 was enriched by the accounts of experiences or observations of
Washington children's lobbyists by a number of persons who graciously con
sented to an interview: Barbara Bode, Laurie Flynn, Helene Gerstein, Ellen
Hoffman, Margaret Jones, Mary Lopatto, Mary Roberts, and Nancy Tague.
lowe particular thanks to two individuals who have contributed to the
development of my thinking on the topics presented in this volume. Gerald
Koocher has been both mentor and colleague in child advocacy efforts. Wi 1-
ix
x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
liam Malamud supervised part of my internship in 1975-1976 at Boston Uni
versity School of Medicine and the Massachusetts Office for Children and
helped me to integrate these disparate experiences into a concept of clinical
advocacy.
During the writing of this volume I have been fortunate to have worked
in two settings that were quite facilitative of the effort. Much of the first half
of the book was written while I was a member of the faculty at the University
of Virginia's Institute of Law, Psychiatry, and Public Policy. The Institute's
director, Richard Bonnie, was supportive both in providing research assistants
and other resources and in helping me to learn to "think like a lawyer." The
University of Nebraska-Lincoln's Department of Psychology has been an
equally collegial place in which to work.
More personally, I am indebted to my wife Julie and my daughter Jen
nifer for their understanding when the final writing stretched into evenings
and weekends and indeed for all that we share.
Finally, my parents, Harold and Marion, taught me respect for children
through their example. It is to them that this book is dedicated.
GARY B. MELT ON
Contents
Foreword................................................ v
Milton F. Shore
CHAPTER 1
Children's Rights: The Foundation of Child Advocacy. . . . . . . 1
What Are Children's Rights? . 3
Attitudes toward Children's Rights ... 9
Factor Structure of Rights Attitudes .. 10
Factors Affecting Attitudes. 12
Social Welfare Orientation and Child Saving. 17
Problems of "Informed Consent" . . ..... . 23
The Social Scientist's Role in Child Advocacy. 24
CHAPTER 2
The Consumer's Point of View: Children's Concepts of Their
Rights .................................................. . 27
Children's Legal Status ................ . 28
Review of. the Literature and Hypotheses. . ..... . 30
~ethod. ..... .... ... . ......... . 33
Results and Discussion . 34
Effects of ~aturation and Social Class 34
Content of Children's Concerns about Rights. 36
Implications for Public Policy and Educational Practice. 41
xi