Table Of ContentBLOOD, CLASS AND EMPIRE
CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS is a widely published polemicist and
frequent radio and TV commentator. He is a contributing editor to
Vanity Fair and visiting professor of liberal studies at the New
School in New York.
‘Intelligent, perceptive, occasionally perverse and often extremely
funny.’ Philip Ziegler, Daily Telegraph
‘A mordant, episodic, brilliantly lucid history of transatlantic
negotiations of power and cultural influence… Combines an
irresistible journalistic raciness with the distinction of scholarship…
Hitchens brings a Chomskian rigour to the “deep grammar” of the
special relationship… Wonderfully readable.’ Independent on
Sunday
‘Hitchens is a clever, funny and an excellent writer, all of which
qualities are apparent in the book.’ Spectator
PRAISE FOR
Blood, Class and Empire “A definitive account of the American ruling
classes’ infatuation with British naval history . . .”
—The Guardian
“[Blood, Class and Empire] is a mordant, episodic, brilliantly lucid history of
transatlantic negotiations of power and cultural influence. Interrogating the
assumptions behind Harold Macmillan’s pious belief that Britain’s twentieth-
century role is to play civilizing Greece to America’s Rome, Hitchens shows
how the British insinuated the ideology of Empire into America’s “expansionist”
foreign policy . . . [It] combines an irresistible journalistic raciness with the
distinction of scholarship. From his analysis of Caspar Weinberger’s cack-
handed interpretation of the Suez crisis to his account of the ambiguously-
worded “modus vivendi” agreement which sited American nuclear missiles on
British soil, Hitchens brings a Chomskian rigour to the “deep grammar” of the
special relationship . . . [Blood, Class and Empire], combative and opinionated
though it may be, is wonderfully readable.”
—The Independent on Sunday “Hitchens is a clever, funny and an excellent
writer, all of which qualities are apparent in the book. I would strongly
recommend it, among other things, for his entertaining descriptions of how
insecure new arrivals at the pinnacles of American society politicians like
Ronald Reagan or millionaires like Walter Annenberg exploit and are exploited
by the British establishment, not excluding the royal family, in the yearning for a
kind of prestige which England still seems uniquely equipped to provide.”
—The Spectator
“In this intelligent, perceptive, occasionally perverse and often extremely funny
book, Christopher Hitchens, with loving distaste, disembowels the Anglo-
American relationship and exhibits the entrails for our delectation. . . This is a
genuinely important book, and not the less so because it is so entertaining.”
—Philip Ziegler, Daily Telegraph
First published in the United States of America in 2004 by Nation Books, an imprint of Avalon
Publishing Group Inc., 245 West 17th St., 11th Floor, New York, NY 10011, USA.
First published in Great Britain in 2006 by Atlantic Books, an imprint of Grove Atlantic Ltd.
Originally published in the United States of America in 1990 as Blood, Class and Nostalgia:
Anglo-American Ironies by Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 19 Union Square West, New York, NY
10003.
Collection copyright © Christopher Hitchens 1990, 2004
All essays used by permission of the author.
The moral right of Christopher Hitchens to be identified as the author of This work has been
asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act of 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher of this
book.
3579864
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
978 1 84354 510 1
ePub ISBN: 978 0 85789 939 2
Mobi ISBN: 978 0 85789 939 2
Printed in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, St Ives plc Atlantic Books
An imprint of Grove Atlantic Ltd Ormond House
26–27 Boswell Street
London WC1N3JZ
For Carol Blue
Acknowledgments
Iused to wonder why there was no attempt at a general discussion, in book
form, of the related phenomena of Anglophilia, Anglophobia, Anglo-
Americanism, and Anglo-Saxondom. I now wonder less. The subject is so vast
and extensive that any attempt at synthesis will disappoint somebody. The
following pages are neither a narrative history, nor a cultural survey, nor a full-
dress political analysis. But they are offered as incisions, made at selected
crucial points, into the hide of the intriguing animal. Some parts of the anatomy
will, I hope, have become clearer to view.
I have more people to thank than it is decent or possible to mention. Andrew
Wylie, my literary agent, and Steve Wasserman and David Rieff, my editors,
were present at the very first conversation which led to this book, and had the
grace to keep up their interest until the very end. Authors who moan with praise
for their editors always seem to reek slightly of the Stockholm syndrome, but
authors who do not thank their friends are being remiss. Without these
friendships, and the stern duties which came with them, I would have written an
infinitely poorer book.
Leonard and Rhoda Dreyfus offered a true refuge for writer and editor in the
closing stages, lending us the flawless English and colonial (and revolutionary)
ambience of their beloved Virginia while rescuing me from the Carnaby Shoppe,
the Piccadilly Pub, and the Royal Burgers of the neighboring mock-Tudor
“English Inn.” I hope that some of the happiness of this outcome is reflected in
what follows.
CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS
Charlottesville, Virginia October 1989
Contents
Acknowledgments
Preface (2003)
Introduction
1. Greece to Their Rome
2. Brit Kitsch
3. The Bard of Empires
4. Blood Relations
5. Vox Americana
6. From Love to Hate and Back Again
7. The Churchill Cult
8. FDR’s Victory; Churchill’s Defeat
9. Churchill’s Revenge
10. Imperial Receivership
11. Discordant Intimacy
12. The Bond of Intelligence
13. Nuclear Jealousies
Conclusion
Bibliographic Note
Index
Preface
To open a paper at the overseas news pages during the year of grace 2003 was
to be confronted by a fairly predictable menu of crisis, if not an exactly
measurable standard of crisis management. An American foreign-policy
“expert,” whether headquartered in Langley, Virginia or Foggy Bottom,
Washington, or at one of the nations proliferating diink-tanks and institutes,
could be expected to have something to say about many or all of the following:
• Along the so-called “green line” that has divided Israelis from
Palestinians in an informal manner for many years, a physical wall was
being constructed, partly for “security” reasons and partly for
annexationist ones.
• The frontiers of Iraq were becoming heavily porous, with the
postinvasion nation-state open to unlicensed entry from Syria, Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and Turkey.
• The expansion of NATO and the European Union was being jeopardized
by a petrified intransigence on the part of the Turkish occupiers of
Cyprus. Realpolitik appeared to demand an accommodation with Turkey,
while law and precept and the resolutions of the United Nations all told
against the grabbing and settling of Cypriot soil by Turkish forces.
• In Northern Ireland, repeated attempts to square the circle of Republican
and Unionist attrition were foundering on embedded reefs of distrust, as
the demography of the Six Counties moved slowly towards a Catholic
demographic majority and as Sinn Fein emerged as the largest Republican
party.
• Along the borders of India and Pakistan, and the borders of Pakistan and
Afghanistan, and within the disputed state of Kashmir, a toxic
combination of Hindu-Muslim rivalry, “holy war” infiltration, and
thermonuclear weapons offered the most appalling likelihood of what is
no less appallingly euphemized as a nuclear “exchange.”
• In Zimbabwe, the prosperity so urgently needed for a respite in the woes
of Southern Africa was being squandered by the kleptocratic autocracy of
Robert Mugabe.
On most days, the news was fairly sporadic as between Tamils and Sinhala in
Sri Lanka, or as between the United Kingdom and Argentina on the
Falklands/Malvinas question. But the plain fact remains that the main duty of an
American foreign-service officer was to master the legacy of partition and
postcolonialism that has been bequeathed to the United States by the United
Kingdom. Every one of the frontiers cited above, from the Durand Line in
Afghanistan to the Iraq-Kuwait demarcation made by Sir Percy Cox in 1921,
was drawn by British diplomats. Sometimes the spirit of their activity could be
summarized in the title of Sir Penderel Moon’s celebrated memoir of the scuttle
from India: “Divide and Quit.” America has inherited, not to say assumed and
annexed, responsibilities from other European powers as well: It is the
superpower arbiter in formerly Dutch Indonesia as well as the formerly Belgian
Congo (as it had been, also, so memorably and calamitously, in French
Indochina). But it is the relationship with Britain above all that conditions its
present posture, and furnishes the ethnopohtical boundaries that it patrols. Even
in the case of former Yugoslavia, which was not previously part of the British
imperial dominion, American policy in the 1990s was to a near-fatal extent
determined by a historic British friendship with Serbia, and by the partitionist
tradition—one could almost say fanaticism—of the British Foreign Office, as
exemplified by Lords Carrington and Owen.
I completed this book just as the long Cold War was drawing to a close, and I
am grateful now that its main intention was retrospective. I had not imagined—
in my chapter on Kipling, say—that within a decade or so there would again be
British soldiers, let alone American ones, on the North West Frontier between
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Nor would I have thought that an Anglo-American
expedition to occupy Mesopotamia was a very strong probability. If it comes to
that, I had not expected that the ominous place-name Sarajevo would become
vivid and actual for an entire new generation. Yet I have since spent, or had to
spend, a good bit of time in these locations, as the unraveling of a pseudo-stable
superpower standoff has released or encouraged primeval forces, and perforce
reconstituted one of the most durable alliances of the twentieth century in an
improvised attempt at confronting a new set of antagonists.
The best I can claim for this work is that anybody reading it for the first time
might still be able to trace the filiating threads that make that same alliance so
intelligible historically. It was no great shock to me, either, to witness British and
American forces acting in concert in Kurdistan in 1991, in Bosnia and in Kosovo
Description:Blood, Class and Empire: The Enduring Anglo-American Relationship
