Table Of ContentA LE ICO OF
A
AMES
EDITED BY
P. M. FRASER
AND
E. MATTHEWS
WITH THE COLLABORATION OF MANY SCHOLARS
VOLUME V.C
INLAND ASIA MINOR
EDITED BY
J.-S. BALZAT, R. W. V. CATLING,
E. CHIRICAT, AND T. CORSTEN
CLARENDONPRESS • OXFORD
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Our first and greatest debt continues to be to the bodies Isauria
that have provided funding for the Lexicon of Greek Personal
Mehmet Alkan granted access to the forthcoming corpus
N anzes. Since 2007, core funding for the project has come from
Haczb~ba Dagz. Isauria Bolgesi'nde Bir Epigrafi ve Eskirag
the Arts and Humanities Research Council, in the form of
Tarzhz Arajtzrmasz edited by him and Mehmet Kurt, contain
grants under the Research Project scheme (2007-12, 2012-16,
ing_some seventy unpublished inscriptions with photographs,
2016-19). We also acknowledge the continuing assistance of
which greatly ennch the onomastic profile of an otherwise
the British Academy in granting funds for special purposes.
poorly documented region. Its publication is expected in the
The Academy of Athens has maintained its generous support
Akron Series of the Akdeniz University (Antalya).
of LGPN and we thank in particular Vasileios Petrakos its
Secretary General, for his role in securing its patronage. '
We repeat our expression of gratitude to Robert Parker Kappadokia
Director of LGPN, for his advice and support in obtainin~
Timothy Mitford provided the epigraphic chapter of his East
this funding, as well as in many other scholarly, administra
of Asia Minor: Rome's Hidden Frontier (Oxford, 2017), which
tive, and practical matters that have contributed to the com
presents the inscriptions from Melitene to Daskousa and
pletion of yet another stage of the project.
beyond along the Euphrates, in the far east of Kappadokia
Once again, in the compilation of this volume, we have
bordering Armenia.
incurred many debts to colleagues in Britain and in other
countries and we take the opportunity to thank warmly all
those who have given generously of their time, expertise, and Kibyratis-Kabalis
advice or have provided us with materials not yet published.
Names have been drawn from a considerable number of
Without their contributions, this volume, like its predeces
unpublished inscriptions, in particular from the territory
sors, would be greatly impoverished.
of Kibyra and the region to its north and northeast; most of
As will be explained in the Introduction, no systematic
these will be published by T. Corsten in Inschriften aus der
work of compilation for the regions covered in this volume
Kibyratis und Pisidien (IKibPis), while others are drawn from
had been conducted in the early stages of the LGPN project.
the unpublished schedae and notebooks in the collection of
The only exception has been Stephen 1\/Iitchell's work on
the 'Arbeitsgruppe Epigraphik' (formerly the 'Kleinasiatische
northern Phrygia. Much more recently Edouard Chiricat
Kommission') of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna
compiled the names from Eastern Phrygia, as part of a wider
which generously allowed use to be made of their archives.
study of the region carried out over nine months in 2011/12
The names from recently discovered inscriptions at Kibyra,
with the support of a grant from the John Fell Fund (University
many of Hellenistic date and therefore of great onomastic
of Oxford).
significance, unfortunately could not be made available.
Our debts to individual scholars for contributions of various
kinds relating to the specific regions included in this volume
are recorded below. Milyas
Bi.ilent iplikvioglu made available more than one hundred
Eastern Phrygia copies of inscriptions made by him during field trips in the
Milyas and Western Pisidia during the years 1991-6. Although
In October 2016, Peter Thonemann generously provided the
this important material could not be integrated in this volume,
texts of seventy-six unpublished inscriptions recorded by
it has been of great help in the verification of old and new
W. M. Ramsay during two journeys in this region in 1906 and
names attested in the region.
1911, together with five more from Ikonion and its territory.
Altogether they have added 182 named individuals. These
transcripts are preserved in Ramsay's notebooks, now housed Phrygia
in the Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents, Oxford
An enormous debt of gratitude is owed to Tullia Ritti who
University. Reference to this material cites Ramsay's notebook
besides much other help, provided a full set of corrected read~
by year, followed by Thonemann's draft catalogue numbers
ings for the published funerary inscriptions from Hierapolis.
(e.g. Unp. (Ramsay 1906)) which will also be cited in the
Her corrections are indicated where appropriate as '(reading
eventual publication.
Ritti)'.
The late Peter Frei's unfinished corpus of the inscriptions
Galatia of Dorylaion and Midaion and their respective territories in
northern Phrygia was made available at a late stage through
Stephen Mitchell kindly made available the unpublished draft
the offices of Christian Marek and Thomas Corsten. This
of The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara ( Ancyra). II,
enormous collection contains many unpublished texts. The
Late Roman, Byzantine and Other Texts edited by him and
names extracted from them have been entered in such a way
D. H. French (to be published in the Vestigia series, Munich).
as to allow their identification when this material is eventu
Christian Wallner, during a three-month visit to work with
ally published. For many of the inscriptions housed in the
LGPN in 2015, made a detailed study of the material com
museum at Eski§ehir the inventory numbers recorded by Frei
piled from Galatia, working closely with Chiricat.
have been used, e.g. 'Unp. (Eski§ehir Mus.) A-2-94', but
See below (Phrygia) for the material from western Galatia
sometimes these are lacking. Frei also was able to copy a
recorded by Peter Frei.
VI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
number of inscriptions in a private collection in Eski~ehir, Satala are presented, following the numeration to be employed
to which we refer as 'Unp. (Eski~ehir, Private Coll.)'. For in Studia Pontica III (2).
many others, recorded in modern villages, the village name Thanks to Mustafa Adak we were able to see his and
has been added as an aid to identification, e.g. 'Unp. (Frei, Christian Marek's Epigraphische Forschungen in Bithynien,
Avdan)', 'Unp. (Frei, Karapazar)'. The draft made available Paphlagonien, Galatien und Pontos (Istanbul, 2016) in advance
to us also includes a large number of texts from the northern of publication.
part of the territory of N akoleia and smaller quantities
described in less detail from some of the administrative
Numismatics
districts of western Galatia, which appear here as e.g. 'Unp.
(Frei, Sivrihisar district)'. In addition Frei made many improve Richard Ashton has once again acted as a general advisor on
ments to the readings of personal names in previously pub numismatic matters, among other things keeping us informed
lished inscriptions, as well as recording the find-spots of of newly attested names on coins for sale in the market. He
stones which later found their way to the Eski~ehir museum also made available his important study of the late Hellenistic
without any note of their provenance; such instances are bronze and brass coinage of Apameia, due to be published
noted respectively as '(reading Frei)' and '(locn., Frei)'. in Kelainai-Apameia Kibotos. II, Une metropole achemenide,
vVe are indebted to Alan Cadwallader for drawing our atten hellenistique et romaine (Bordeaux).
tion to an inscription, so far not fully published, described Christopher Howgego and Jerome Mairat allowed us to
and illustrated in his Fragments of Colossae: Sifting through consult Roman Provincial Coinage. III, Nerva, Trajan and
the Traces (Adelaide, 2015) (non vidimus). He has also pro Hadrian (AD 96-138) prior to its publication in 2015.
vided an advance copy of a paper publishing two further Marguerite Spoerri provided a copy of the late Edoardo
inscriptions from Kolossai (now published in Stone, Bones Levante's unfinished draft of Roman Provincial Coinage. VIII,
and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Ancient Philip I.
Religion in honor of Dennis E. Smith (Atlanta, 2016). William Metcalf checked and supplemented the short list
The late 1\/Iaurice Byrne sent photographs and copies of of magistrates' names which figure on the coins of the second
unpublished inscriptions recorded by him at and around half of the third century AD, which will be included in Roman
ancient Thiounta (modern Gozler). These are cited as 'Unp. Provincial Coinage. X, Valerian to Diocletian ( AD 253-297).
(Byrne)' followed by the number of his provisional catalogue.
Michael \,Vorrle kindly provided his revised readings of the
Other Acknowledgements
names of the ambassadors of Aizanoi sent to congratulate
Septimius Severns in 195 AD (Oliver, Greek Constitutions 213). The project is grateful to the Berlin-Brandenburgische
His corrections are indicated as '(reading Worrle)'. Akademie der Wissenschaften for its continuing generosity in
donating copies of new volumes of Inscriptiones Graecae to the
LG P N library, and to Thomas Corsten for the annual gift of the
Pisidia
latest Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (SEC). For other
We owe a particular debt of gratitude to Asuman Co~kun donations we are grateful to Mustafa Adak, Alexandru Avram,
Abuagla. During her visit as LGPN academic visitor in 2013 Ferit Baz, Wolfgang Bli.imel, Dan Dana, Laurent Dubois, Jean
she worked on the edition of the inscriptions of the Isparta Louis Ferrary, Miltiades Hatzopoulos, Bilge Hi.irmi.izli.i,P antelis
:Museum, due to be published in the series Erganzungsbande Nigdelis, Spyros Petrounakos, and Soren Sorensen.
zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris of the Austrian Academy. She For help and advice of a general or specific nature and for
kindly allowed us to make use of her work on new texts and communicating newly published papers we would like to
enabled the verification of many old texts. thank Mustafa Adak, Alexandru Avram, Frarn;:ois de Callatay,
During his visit as LGPN academic visitor to Oxford in Domitilla Campanile, Sylvain Destephen, Armin Eich, Nuray
201 S, in addition to being instrumental in facilitating contacts Gi:ikalp, Christina Kokkinia, Guy Labarre, Ergi.in Lafh, Neil
with Turkish epigraphists, Burak Takmer provided access in McLynn, Nicholas Milner, Philomen Probert, Eimear Reilly,
advance of publication to articles in the volume dedicated to Efthymios Rizos, Peter Thonemann, Soren Sorensen, Penny
the memory of Sencer ~ahin (Vir Doctus Anatolicus: Studies Wilson, and Michael Zellmann-Rohrer.
in Nlenwry of Sencer $ahin (Istanbul, 2016), in which new We are as ever grateful to Jonathan l\!Ioffett for his patience
inscriptions from the region are published. and help in resolving technical issues involving the LGPN
We are grateful to Claude Brixhe for providing the names database and the typesetting of the book. Sebastian Rahtz,
from inscriptions published for the first time in Steles et the other digital architect of previous volumes, sadly died on
langues de Pisidie (Nancy, 2016) in advance of publication. 15 March 2016. Sebastian had long been an advocate of the
radical transformation, now close to being realized, of LGPN's
system of data storage and its associated working routines.
Pontos and Armenia 111.inor
This will see all its work conducted within the framework of
Timothy Mitford provided the sections on Kabeira a single XML database and will be a long-lasting memorial to
Neokaisareia, Komana-Hierokaisareia, and Sebasteia extracted his brilliance in the digital humanities.
from his draft of Studia Pontica III (2), covering the eastern As previously, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the adminis
part of Pontos as far as the Euphrates. When published it will trative support received from the Classics Office in Oxford, as
complete the epigraphic coverage of Pontos and Armenia well as to express our thanks to Neil Leeder and Diggory Gray
Minor begun in 1910 by J. G. C. Anderson, F Cumont, and for providing day-to-day help and advice on matters relating
H. Gregoire. Mitford also made available the epigraphic to IT. Finally, we are grateful to Maggy Sasanow (Centre for
:hapter of his East of Asia Minor: Rome's Hidden Frontier the Study of Ancient Documents) for her contributions to
:Oxford, 2017), in which the inscriptions from Nikopolis and the administration of the project and much other assistance.
INTRODUCTION*
This, the last of the three projected fascicles of Volume V, treats Balkans occupied the north-eastern part of Greater Phrygia
the regions of inland Asia Minor and this introduction has as in the third century, controlling large territories from old
one of its objectives the provision of the essential socio-histor centres of population, and were for a long time a destabilizing
ical background against which the onomastics of its constituent element in the geopolitics of western Asia Minor. In the north
regions should be set. In this geographical space, for the first ern and eastern parts of inland Asia Minor, dynasties of Iranian
time in LGPN's coverage of the personal names of the ancient origin in Pontos (the Mithradatids, traceable from the end
Greek world, not a single Greek city-state of the Archaic or of the fourth century BC) and in Kappadokia (Ariarathes I,
Classical periods is to be found. 1 During the Archaic period, active at the time of the Macedonian conquest) ruled over
large parts of the region lay under the control of powerful vast territories where Iranian cultural influences were strong.
indigenous centralized states, to begin with the Phrygians Paphlagonia was divided among minor chiefdoms, the strong
whose dominant role was briefly taken over by the Lydians est centred on Gangra in the south, and frequently contested
before the Persians came to rule all of Asia Minor in the second between the Bithynian and Pontic kings. Lykaonia and Isauria
half of the sixth century, a situation that remained essentially remained much more isolated and barely figure in any way in
unchanged until the conquests of Alexander the Great. This the Hellenistic period, in spite of the fact that a route of vital
was a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual landscape in which there importance to the Seleucids led by way of the Kilikian Gates
was no one dominant culture. Some of its inhabitants were through Lykaonia to their possessions in western Asia Minor.
direct descendants of their second-millennium Luwian pre By promoting large-scale urbanization on the model of the
decessors, while others such as the Phrygians, the Celts, and Greek city with its characteristic institutions, the conquest
Italians were later newcomers from continental Europe. The and rule of Rome firmly attached inland Asia Minor to the
non-Greek component (indigenous, Iranian, Celtic, Italian) Greco-Roman Niediterranean world, and this was further
among the names in this fascicle is correspondingly substantial, promoted by the later spread of Christianity. It is on this latter
something which also characterized those regions treated stage in the onomastic history of these regions, and especially
in LGPN V.B where native culture remained resilient and/or during the climax of the Roman ascendancy from c.100 to
hellenization made little impression until comparatively late. 300 AD, that the epigraphic and literary evidence throws the
In the period before the Macedonian conquest, inland Asia most intense light.
Minor was a world in which large central places with urban For the reasons summarized above, the original plan, enunci
functions were few and far between. Contacts with Greeks ated in the Introduction to Volume I (pp. vii-viii), consigned
were very limited, mainly confined to exchanges in luxury inland Asia Minor to a second phase of the LGPN project
goods and the trade in slaves, though the simultaneous adop which would concern itself with those parts of the ancient
tion by Greeks and Phrygians of an alphabet sharing many world which were largely untouched by Greeks and the Greek
of the same characters, based on the Phoenician script, does language until the conquests of Alexander: Syria, Palestine,
imply rather closer and more intimate relations. So, when Arabia, Egypt, and the trans-Euphratic regions, as well as what
Xenophon with the 10,000 accompanied Kyros the Younger Fraser termed 'continental Asia Minor'. This policy was
on his journey to Mesopotamia in 401 BC, they were proba changed only when more detailed plans were being made for
bly the first large body of Greeks, many of them from the Volume Von Asia Minor between 2000-2. In the Introduction
Peloponnese and Central Greece, to set foot in the central and to LGPN V.A (p. x) it is stated that it was to be the first of
southern parts of inland Asia Minor before the Macedonians three fascicles on Asia Minor, the third of which would treat
traced some of the same routes in 334-333 BC. No Greek the interior. However, the consequence of the earlier plan
inscription is known from any part of this vast land mass meant that no systematic work had been done on the basic
before the conquest. 2 Soon after those world-changing events, compilation of the personal names for inland Asia Minor in
pioneering Greco-Macedonian settlements appeared in parts the initial stages of the project, other than those found scat
of Phrygia. Subsequently the Seleucid and Attalid kingdoms tered among documents and texts relating to those regions
kept a great part of inland Asia Minor integrated into the covered by LGPN I-V.B. So when work on this fascicle began
wider Greek world, reinforcing the Greek presence in south in earnest in late summer 2013, it involved working ab initio
ern Phrygia and northern Pisidia through the foundation of on a large body of epigraphic material for which there is rela
cities (Laodikeia, Hierapolis, Apameia, Eumeneia, Apollonia, tively little coverage in the standard corpora of inscriptions,
Antiocheia), some of which rose to great prominence and much of it being found in journal publications of the later
prosperity. Elsewhere the impact of cultural and political hel nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Therefore, within
lenization was felt to varying degrees in the third and second the constraints of time imposed by the funding for its com
centuries BC. Situated on the fringe of the Greek world, pletion, the main thrust of our work has had to be directed at
Pisidian communities, though receptive to hellenizing influ the basic compilation of the personal names.
ences, remained determinedly independent of external control Previous innovations in LGPN practices and conventions
until the first century BC. Celtic tribes migrating from the announced in the Introductions to LGPN V.A and V.B have
' Vve are grateful to Simon Hornblower, Stephen lVIitchell, Robert 1 The cities treated in this volume of course fall outside the chronological
Parker, Peter Thonemann, and Michael Zellmann-Rohrer for their con scope of the Copenhagen Palis Centre's Inventory of Archaic and Classical
structive comments on earlier drafts of this Introduction. Vvef ur Poleis (Oxford, 2004).
ther wish to emphasize that the bibliographical references cited here 2 The only possible exception is the inscription on a rock tomb of Lykian type
are intended as a guide to a wider literature and are by no means compre dated to the fourth cent. (Kokkinia, Boubon 91) in what was later the territory
hensive. of Boubon in the Kabalis but less than 15 km from Lykian Symbra.
Vlll INTRODUCTION
been adhered to in this fascicle. Therefore, bearers of the a stock of Anatolian names with ethnic designations used by
Roman tria nonzina with an Italian cognomen vvho were per historians of the Classical world. In this context it is worth
manent residents in the region all find a place, all the more stressing that the percentages given for the category 'indige
importantly in inland Asia l\!Iinor where a significant number nous names' in each region in Table 1 (p. xxviii) relate to a
of Roman colonies and new foundations contribute to an broad category of names rather than to names specific to each
abundant and highly diverse collection of Italian names. "\i\Then region (e.g. the figure of 43% for indigenous names in Isauria
attested in Latin, Italian names are transliterated into Greek; does not relate only to !saurian names).
only very rarely is there no attested Greek form which allows
a documented rendition of a name written in Latin; as always
The Contents of the Volume
the Latin form is given in the final brackets. A very small
number of Greek names has been drawn from inscriptions The two previous fascicles of Volume V covered the coastal
of the Hellenistic and Imperial periods written in Greek regions of Asia l\llinor, from Trapezous at the easternmost
script in the Phrygian language, as well as inscriptions of limit of Pontos to Kilikian Rhosos on the south side of the
Imperial date in Pisidian. The principles set out in LGPN Gulf of Issos. Volume VC presents the personal names of the
V.B (p. xxviii) for the treatment of other non-Greek names interior, from the westernmost parts-Phrygia, the Kibyratis
are also followed. Indigenous Anatolian names and Lallnamen and Kabalis, the Milyas, and Pisidia-to the central and
are neither accented nor aspirated, though manuscript tradi eastern regions-Galatia, Eastern Phrygia, Lykaonia, Isauria,
tions which supply one or other or both are recorded in the Paphlagonia, inner Pontos, Armenia Minor, and Kappadokia.
final brackets. No attempt is made to standardize the ortho This vast area, often referred to as Anatolia, covers approxi
graphy of variations in the spelling of what is evidently the same mately 300,000 km2 and stretches more than 800 km from
name; each form appears under a separate heading. Where Laodikeia in the west to Melitene on the Euphrates in the
the nominative form has to be deduced from an oblique case, east, and almost 550 km from northern Paphlagonia to the
the attested form is recorded in the final brackets. Celtic names mountains of Isauria. 7 Geographically, inland Asia Minor
are treated in the same way as the indigenous names, while is dominated by a high central plateau, for the most part
diacritics are applied to Iranian and Semitic names only when between 900-1, 100 m above sea level, which incorporates
they are known from literary sources. The inherent difficul most of Phrygia, Galatia, Eastern Phrygia, Lykaonia, and
ties that sometimes arise in determining whether a name western Kappadokia. It is bordered to the north by the high
should be treated as Greek or indigenous were elaborated at mountain ranges of Paphlagonia and Pontos and to the
some length in LGPN V.B (pp. xxviii-xxix) and are equally south and east by the formidable barriers of the Taurus and
valid here. Antitaurus in Isauria and eastern Kappadokia. These sharply
In his I<:.leinasiatischeP ersonennamen, which has remained divide the interior from the coast and form a natural obstacle to
for us a fundamental guide for the identification and treat easy communications between the two. There are many remark
ment of Anatolian onomastics (see already LGPN VB p. xxx), able and contrasting aspects to its landscape, from the upland
Zgusta paid particular attention to the geographical distribu lakes of northern Pisidia, to the flat steppe plain of Lykaonia,
tion of personal names. 3 The main regional divisions (Phrygia, the great salt lake (Lake Tatta, modern Tuz Golii) in the centre,
Lykaonia, Pisidia, etc.) adopted in his work largely coincide the eroded volcanic terrain of western Kappadokia, the lush
with those used in LGPN V.C. However, since his collection river valleys of Pontos, the forests of Paphlagonia, and the inac
of names was mainly conceived as a work on Anatolian lin cessible canyons of the Antitaurus, to name but a few. A conti
guistics, his geographical arrangement of the material some nental climate of hot dry summers and harsh winters prevails
times differs considerably from that followed in LGPN.+ The on the plateau, but, surprisingly, this did not prevent the cul
most significant difference in this respect is his use of transi tivation of the olive in certain favoured places, notably in the
tional and border regions (Ubergangs- and Grenzgebiete). 5 environs of Synnada and in upland Pisidia around Sagalassos. 8
Two cases may serve to illustrate his method. Zgusta placed the Western Phrygia, the Kibyratis and Kabalis, the Milyas and
Anatolian names from the Kibyratis within a 'siidphrygisch Pisidia occupy transitional zones between the Anatolian pla
pisidisches Ubergangsgebiet' and those from the Killanion teau and their coastal neighbours along the Propontis, Aegean,
pedion, the Orondeis, Amblada, and Ouasada in a 'pisidisch and l\!Iediterranean, with which they were connected at most
lykaonisches Ubergangsgebiet'. One of the reasons advocated periods. It is, however, in Pisidia and the Kabalis that city
for this practice was that it allowed users of his catalogue to sites are found at the highest altitudes; Sagalassos is situated
assign names from these transitional areas to one region or above 1,500 m and the acropolis of Balboura is even higher at
another on linguistic grounds. 6 This kind of arrangement over 1,600 m. In the east the area covered in this volume does
overlaps with an underlying problem in the study of Anatolian not extend beyond the river Euphrates into Armenia nor to
onomastics, which cannot be fully addressed here, that of the the south of the eastern spur of the Taurus mountains into
general difficulty of identifying Anatolian names as exclusively Kommagene, which will be treated in Volume VI.
!saurian, Kappadokian, Phrygian, Pisidian, etc. on the sole Although this volume is the fruit of the joint work of the
basis of geographical criteria and more generally associating four co-editors, each has had the principal responsibility
.1 Zgusta, KP pp. 31-9; see also his distribution maps in Anatolische 7 A magnificent and wide-ranging synthetic study of inland Asia lVIinor,
Personennamensippen (Prague, 1964 ). concerned primarily with the period of the Roman Empire until late antiquity,
• E.g. I onia is not used as a geographical division, so that Anatolian names is to be found in the two volumes of S. lVIitchell's Anatolia. Land, JI/Jen, and
found at Ephesos appear under Lydia (Zgusta, KP p. 34). Gods i11A sia Jl!Iinor (I, The Celts, and the Impact of Roman Rule; II, The Rise
5 Border zones also figure in \1/aelkens, Tiirsteine pp. 240, 249, 275. of the Church. Oxford, 1993).
6 Zgusta, KP pp. 33--4. 8 See Jllfaeander Valley pp. 53-6. Strabo also mentions olive cultivation in
other parts of Pisidia (xii 7. 1) and around Melitcne in Kappadokia (xii 2. 1).
INTRODUCTION IX
for particular regions or parts thereof, as follows: Balzat: Sangarios valley in Bithynia. But there is no such natural bar
Pisidia, the Milyas, southern Lykaonia, and Isauria; Catling: rier between Phrygia and Galatia, nor with Eastern Phrygia.
Paphlagonia, Pontos with Armenia Minor, Phrygia (except for In the Tembris valley the division with Galatia may be placed
Laodikeia), northern Lykaonia, and Kappadokia; Chiricat: around modern Beylikova to the east of Alpu, and further
Galatia and Eastern Phrygia; Corsten: Kibyratis/Kabalis and south by the upper reaches of the Sangarios; the territory of
Laodikeia in Phrygia. No further additions were made to the Amorion runs seamlessly into Eastern Phrygia, but further
contents after the end of January 2017. south there is a perceptible change of terrain from rolling
Each of the regions treated in this volume is described hills to open steppe. In the south-west the Maeander and its
in what follows, with particular attention given to defining northern tributaries separate Phrygia from Lydia, while fur
their borders. In addition, those aspects of their history and ther north its limits are marked by the transition from the
ethnic composition that influenced their onomastic profiles upland plains and basins around Temenothyrai, Aizanoi, and
are summarized, together with any other background infor modern Tav~anh to the more rugged and fragmented land
mation deemed to be relevant. In some instances more detailed scape of north-eastern Lydia and Mysia, where lie the head
explanations are required to clarify problems specific to a waters of the river systems that flow towards the Aegean. 11
particular region or city and their treatment here. Within these boundaries, Phrygia comprises a patchwork of
fertile upland basins and river valleys of varying extent, sepa
rated from one another by broken terrain and several high
Phrygia
mountain ranges with peaks in excess of 2,200 m. The cen
Phrygia is the westernmost of the regions of inland Asia lVIinor tres of human settlement all lie above 750 m, the majority
and as defined here describes a much more limited area than between 900 and 1,100 m, the only exception being the Lykos
it had at its greatest extent in the early first millennium BC.9 valley in the south-west around Hierapolis, Laodikeia, and
Until the arrival of the Celtic tribes in the third century it Kolossai.
extended east as far as lake Tatta, over all the area later desig Nucleated settlements are well attested in Phrygia from an
nated as Galatia where its old royal capital Gordion was early date. Herodotos (vii 30) in his account of Xerxes' march
located. 10 It also naturally included Eastern Phrygia, treated from Kappadokia to Sardis mentions Kelainai, the small city
separately here for reasons set out below, and reached as far as of Anaua (probably identical with Sanaos), and the much
lkonion, referred to by Xenophon (An. i 2. 19) as the further larger Kolossai, all of which had a long history of ancient
most city of Phrygia. The vast fortified city on Mt Kerkenes, occupation. Some eighty years later Xenophon (An. i 2. 6-7)
perhaps to be identified as Herodotos' city of Pteria (i 76-9), also passed through the large, populous, and prosperous
situated on the frontier with Kappadokia, may have been a cities of Kolossai and Kelainai before taking a circuitous
Phrygian foundation. To the north-west Phrygia also encom route via Peltai, the otherwise unknown Keramon Agora and
passed the southern shores of the Propontis (so-called Hel Thymbrion, before reaching Tyriaion; an equally early his
lespontine Phrygia), but in spite of their encounters with the tory is possible for many other places attested later as cities.
Greek colonial cities the inhabitants showed themselves sur However, urbanization on the model of the Greek polis is not
prisingly unreceptive to Greek culture. Hellespontine Phrygia recognizable until after the lVIacedonian conquest, when a
has been treated in LGPN V.A as part of Mysia and Bithynia. number of small cities populated at least in part by Greco
At its greatest extent during the Early Iron Age and Archaic Macedonian settlers first emerges, sometimes bearing the
periods, Phrygia was a significant regional power in western name of their founders (e.g. Dokimeion, Dorylaion, Lysias,
Asia Minor, with a centralized system of administration, Philomelion, Themisonion); several other cities later boasted
stratified society, and craft specialization (most visible in the of their Macedonian origins (Eukarpia, Peltai; perhaps also
monumental architecture and tumuli at Gordion and the rock Synnada). These were substantially reinforced by Seleucid
tombs in the Phrygian Highlands), features which underlie city foundations in the third century, the most important
Greek traditions about King Midas and the wealth of Phrygia. being Laodikeia and Hierapolis in the Lykos valley, as well as
Although Phrygian supremacy eventually gave way to the the refoundation of Kelainai as Apameia. 12 Further Attalid
Lydians in the late seventh century, it was only after the foundations occurred in the second century (Dionysopolis,
Persians had established control over western Asia lVIinor Eumeneia) and there is other evidence for the presence of
that there was a marked decline in social and economic com military settlers at Amorion, Aizanoi, and Tyriaion in the late
plexity. third and second centuries; an inscription dated to the years
Phrygia in its reduced state was bordered to the west by after 188 BC details the grant of polis status by the Attalid
Mysia, Lydia, and Karia, to the north by Bithynia, to the east king Eumenes II to the inhabitants of Tyriaion, a mixture of
by Galatia, and to the south by Pisidia. Conspicuous mountain Greeks, Galatians, and indigenous people. 13
barriers separate southern Phrygia from Karia and Pisidia, In spite of their geographic isolation, there are some signs of
and again in the north divide the Tembris valley from the interaction with Greek cities of the eastern Aegean; citizens
9 For an excellent summary account of the critical phases in the history in Europe, the Islands, and Asia 1Vli11or(B erkeley & Oxford, 1995) pp. 275-
of settlement and the hellenization of Phrygia, see P. Thonemann, 'Phrygia: 326.
an anarchist history, 950 BC-AD 100' in Roman Phrygia pp. 1-40. 13 L. Jonnes and M. Riel, 'A New Royal Inscription from Phrygia Paroreios:
10 This has the rather unfortunate result that all the names recorded from Eumenes II Grants Tyriaion the Status of a po/is', Epigr. Anal. 29 (1997)
Hellenistic Gordion appear under the heading of Galatia, rather than Phrygia. pp. 1-30 = I Sultan Dag1 393. The spelling of the place-name found in the
11 Strabo (xiii 4. 12) remarks on the difficulties of defining these borders. texts of Xenophon and Strabo has been adopted, even though the inscription
12 For these eponymous city foundations of the Hellenistic period, cited indicates that its proper form, in the Hellenistic period at least, was
see P. lVI. Fraser's detailed appendix in Greek Ethnic Terminology (Oxford, Toriaion: see P. Thonemann, 'Cistophoric Geography: Toriaion and Kormasa',
2009) pp. 325-76 and, more generally, G. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements NC 2008, p. 48 and Zgusta, KO 1387-2.
X INTRODUCTION
of Laodikeia and Synnada appear in a list of proxenoi of Ramsay, Anderson and others, many small Phrygian cities
Chios perhaps as early as the late third century, and the city which minted coinage cannot be firmly identified with sites
of Peltai invites a judge from Antandros in the Troad to adju on the ground ( e.g. Akkilaion, Eriza, Hydrela, Keretapa,
dicate a local dispute in the second century. 14 But it is only Lysias, Okokleia, Otrous, Palaiobeudos, Peltai, Siblia,
in the late second and first centuries that evidence builds for Siocharax, Themisonion, Tiberiopolis), even if their approx
an emerging civic life conducted along Greek lines, the mint imate location can be determined. It is revealing that nine of
ing of coinage expressing city identity, and, most importantly the 21 cities and political communities listed in an Ephesian
for the recording of personal names, the development of the inscription of the Flavian period under the conventus of
epigraphic habit. This relatively sudden and widespread Apameia cannot be located and that three of the nine are only
development coincided with Phrygia's incorporation into known from this text (Kainai Komai, the Ammoniatai and
the Roman province of Asia between 122 and 116 BC. From the Assaiorhenoi) .19 Part of the reason for this must lie in
the mid-first century BC Italian negotiatores and their agents their small physical size and their lack of the monumental
are widely attested, many of whom settled permanently in characteristics typical of a Greco-Roman city. Of the very
the region, thereby introducing an influential new strain of much larger number of village names / ethnics attested epi
personal names. Apameia in particular was a centre for their graphically (well in excess of 150), only a small number can
activities, as a slave-market among other things. 15 Within this be identified with an archaeological site.
partially urbanized landscape, with a stable population and As a consequence, attributing inscriptions to a particular
free from insecurity, the Romans had no pressing need to city, let alone a village, is fraught with uncertainties, espe
reinforce it with colonies or new foundations; the city of cially when so many are found far from any central place. The
Sebaste was founded under Augustus through the synoikism situation in the Ac1payam valley is particularly acute; none of
of a number of villages, 16 and the city of Hadrianopolis in its three cities can be located with certainty. In this volume
Phrygia Paroreios may also have replaced an earlier settle cautious identifications are made for Keretapa with remains
ment (perhaps Xenophon's Thymbrion). At a much later at modern Ye~ilyuva at the north end of the valley, for Eriza
date, some formerly dependent villages acquired city status. 17 with the prominent mound site at Karahiiyuk in the middle,
Although most cities were physically small, Laodikeia and and for Themisonion with a cluster of epigraphic finds in
Hierapolis developed large urban centres and have much villages at its southern end (Dodurga, Kumaf~ar, Yumruta~
more in common with the cities of the coastal regions. The and i~kenpazar), in the knowledge that future discoveries
city elites, many of Italian origin, participated in the public may prove them wrong. 20 There is a similar difficulty con
life of the province, with members of the most prominent cerning the exact location of Tyriaion in south-east Phrygia.
families becoming high priests of the provincial imperial cult, It is often identified with modern Ilgm which probably pre
even from insignificant cities such as Alioi, Diokleia, Otrous, serves the name of ancient Lageina, a village possibly on the
Stektorion, and the otherwise unknown Okokleia. However, territory of Tyriaion. In spite of the uncertainties and for
it was extremely rare for these to reach the higher offices of the sake of convenience, all the names from the inscriptions
the imperial administration and senatorial rank. Although found at Ilgm and in its environs have been entered under the
Phrygia was primarily an agrarian society and economy, it was heading of Tyriaion. In north-west Phrygia, an impressive
most famous for the marbles from the quarries at Dokimeion number of inscriptions comes from the Tav~anh basin, where
and in the Upper Tembris valley, under imperial control no ancient city is known; prosopographical links and the style
and procuratorial management, and the textiles produced at of the funerary monuments suggest that this formed part of
Hierapolis and Laodikeia. 18 the territory of Aizanoi and it is treated so in this volume. 21
Several cities often treated as part of Phrygia have previ Still further north, some inscriptions have been found in the
ously found a place in some of its neighbouring regions. Thus, area of modern Domani<; on the Rhyndakos, where Phrygia
along the poorly defined western limits, Kadoi, Synaos, and meets Mysia and Bithynia; in the absence of any ancient
Ankyra Sidera have been placed in Mysia while Blaundos was toponym, the few names involved appear under the heading
attached to Lydia, all covered in LGPN VA. However, follow 'Domani<; (mod.) (area)'.
ing convention, the three cities of the modern Ac1payam val Within Phrygia there were two cities called Hierapolis and
ley (Eriza, Keretapa, and Themisonion) in the far south-west two called Metropolis, to be differentiated as follows. The much
are included in Phrygia in spite of their closer geographical smaller Hierapolis of the Pentapolis is designated 'Hierapolis
and cultural affinities with the Kibyratis and western Pisidia. (N.)' (i.e. Hierapolis (North)) to distinguish it from the great
Although the political geography of Phrygia has been well mercantile city of the Lykos valley, which appears without any
established in its essentials since the pioneering work of further identifying markers. The Metropolis between Apameia
1+ Chios: RPh 1937, pp. 327-811. 16-17; Antandros: Michel 542. I manni nella Roma antica (Rome, 2013) pp. 360-87. Other quarries, such as
15 See JVIaeander Valley pp. 88-129. those around Thiounta, supplied local demands (ibid. p. 390). Textiles:
16 In the list of cities attached to the conventus of Apameia, Sebaste appears lVIaeander Valley pp. 185-90
as <P1t<µ,<o<[s vvv lt<yoµ,<vo, I:</3aar17voi:C . Habicht, 'New Evidence on the 19 C. Habicht (n. 16) pp. 64-91, esp. 80-7.
Province of Asia', JRS 65 (1975) pp. 85-6; other villages perhaps included 20 It should be noted that the personal names found in two inscriptions
Babdalai, Dioskome, and Eibeos. from modern Hisarkoy (BCH 24 [1900) p. 51), in an isolated location on the
17 Soa, in the Upper Tembris valley, evidently acquired independence south-east slopes of lVIt Sal bake in the upper reaches of the modern Dalaman
from Appia (J\IIAMA IX p. xvi with n. 15), while Orkistos in north-eastern (:ay (the ancient Indos, marked on the Barrington Atlas [p. 65) as the
Phrygia, formerly a dependency of Nakoleia, was granted po/is status by Kazanes), which drains the Ac1payam valley, have been listed under the
Constantine in 331 AD (MAMA VII 305). heading of Phrygia. One of the names, Arr17s, is common in the Kibyratis
18 lVIarble from the Dokimeion quarries was transported overland to and suggests that the named persons should be associated with regions
Ephesos and exported to many parts of the Mediterranean: Robert, OJVIS VII upstream rather than with Karia or Lykia.
pp. 71-121; BE 1984, no. 457; Fant, Cavum Antrum pp. 6-41; P. Pensabene, 21 JVIA1VIA IX pp. xix-xx.
INTRODUCTION Xl
and Synnada in southern Phrygia, is designated 'Metropolis as well as throughout Eastern Phrygia and some of the north
(S. )', while its more northerly homonym, located in the so ernmost parts of Pisidia, and to a lesser degree in the north of
called Highlands of Phrygia, is referred to as 'Metropolis (N. )'. Phrygia, Neo-Phrygian texts are completely absent from the
In most of the cities of Phrygia the Sullan era, starting in west half of the region where hellenizing tendencies were
85 BC, was used for dating purposes. This era was also in always strongest and most deeply rooted.
force at Aizanoi where the Actian era, starting in 31 BC, had It is in Phrygia that some of the early Christian commu
previously been thought to apply.22 An adjustment of fifty nities are documented in inscriptions for the first time. 27
four years has therefore had to be made for the dated inscrip The funerary monuments of several bishops can be dated to
tions of Aizanoi. This mainly involves the earliest group of the latter half of the second century. 28 Most famous of these
pediment doorstones from Aizanoi (Waelkens Typ M, MAMA is the elaborate funerary epigram of Abercius, bishop of
IX Type IV), many of which are dated. An upward adjust Hierapolis in the Pentapolis (SEC XXX 1479). 29 The name
ment of half a century has been applied to the undated inscrip Apollinarios inscribed on the tomb of Philip the Apostle
tions on the same type of doorstone, so that all are now at the other Hierapolis, the city where he was martyred,
ascribed to the second half of the first century AD rather than has been tentatively identified with the bishop Claudius
to the first half of the second century. No further revisions to Apollinarius, known for his polemics against heretics and
°
the chronology of the later doorstones are required once the non-believers in the same period. 3 From the early third cen
1rpoT,o v
chronological overlap between the pediment stones and the tury, the so-called 'Eumeneian formula' (lurni ain0
earlier series of complete doorstones has been removed. fh6v, 'he shall reckon with God'), an addition to the familiar
The Phrygians spoke an lndo-European language unre imprecations against disturbance of the grave, is appended to
lated to the Anatolian family to which most of the other lan funerary inscriptions in southern Phrygia, predominantly by
guages of Asia Minor belonged. Instead it is related to Greek Christians and occasionally by Jews. 31 At much the same time
and from the eighth to the third century BC was written in an in the Upper Tembris valley and adjacent areas of western
alphabetic script which shares many letters with Greek, Phrygia, Christians unambiguously proclaimed themselves
though it is only partially understood. It is likely that the on their gravestones as 'Xpwnavoi XpwnavoZ,' ('Christians
Phrygians, like the Bithynians and, much later, the Galatians, for Christians'). 32
were an intrusive population in Asia lVlinor from the south
ern Balkans, but it is far from clear when and under what
Kibyratis-Kabalis
circumstances they arrived. 23 Inscriptions in Old Phrygian
are most numerous from the eighth to sixth centuries and The region called Kibyratis-Kabalis, as well as serving as a
their wide distribution, from Daskyleion in the north-west, geographical term, is a cultural rather than a political entity,
to Kerkenes in the north-east and Tyana in the south-east, is except for a period of about one hundred years from the early
an indicator of the extent of Phrygian influence across cen second until the early first century BC, when the territory
tral Asia Minor. 24 The decline in social complexity of the of the so-called 'Kibyratan Tetrapolis' grouped together the
later sixth century was accompanied by a decline in literacy cities of Kibyra, Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda. 33 The
and the rapid demise of the Old Phrygian script. 25 However, cultural ties between the four cities go back to the late third
as a spoken language it survived among the Phrygian popula or early second century BC, when they were (re-)founded by
tion in order to be revived in written form on a limited scale 'colonizing' Termessians in the context of Pisidian expan
in Neo-Phrygian inscriptions of the second and third centu sion to the west. 34 It is unknown whether all were previ
ries AD, almost exclusively in the form of formulaic curses ously existing centres of habitation, but there were certainly
against the disturbance of a tomb appended to a standard small settlements, whose remains have been identified, at or
funerary epitaph in Greek. 26 The distribution of these inscrip close to the later cities. Politically, the Kibyratis-Kabalis is
tions seems to imply that the language did not survive in the presumed to have been under nominal Seleucid control in the
whole of Phrygia. Most numerous in the east and south-east, third century (perhaps amounting to no more than a Seleucid
22 lVI. Worrle, 'Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Aizanoi II: Das Problem der 27 Mitchell, Anatolia 2 pp. 37-43.
Ara von Aizanoi', Chiron 25 (1995) pp. 72-5 revising M. Waelkens in 28 Two funerary monuments naming bishops of Temenothyrai are dated
Tiirsteine pp. 48-9 and MAIVIA IX pp. liv-lvi, and also W. Leschhorn, to the 180s: see S. Mitchell 'An Epigraphic Probe into the Origins of
Antike Aren (Stuttgart, 1993) pp. 234-44. lVIontanism', in Roman Phrygia pp. 173-5 nos. 1 and 3. Slightly earlier are
23 Herodotos (vii 73) records a Macedonian tradition that the Phrygians several dated Christian gravestones from nearby Kadoi, often treated as a
had once inhabited a part of Europe adjoining lVIacedonian territory. Phrygian city: see MAIVIA X pp. xxxvi-xxxix.
24 The Old Phrygian inscriptions have been published as a corpus: 29 See P. Thonemann, 'Abercius of Hierapolis. Christianization and Social
C. Brixhe and lVI.L ejeune, Co,pus des inscriptions paleo-ph rygiennes (Paris, 1984 ), Memory in Late Antique Asia lVIinor', in Historical and Religious Memory
with supplements in Kadmos 41 (2002) pp. 1-102 and 43 (2004) pp. 1-130. pp. 257-82 on the use of epigraphic material in the composition of the life of
25 A unique inscription in Phrygian dated c.300 BC is written in Greek, St Abercius.
indicating that the Old Phrygian script was by then defunct: see P. Thonemann 30 See F. D'Andria, 'II santuario e la tomba dell'Apostolo Filippo a
(n. 9) pp. 18-19. Hierapolis di Frigia', Rend. Pont. 84 (2011-12) pp. 3-61, esp. 53-4 on
26 There is no comprehensive, modern corpus of these inscriptions, which Apollinarios.
are most conveniently collected in 0. Haas, Die ph1ygischen Sprachdenkmiiler 31 Robert, Hell. 11-12 pp. 399-413.
(Sofia, 1966) pp. 113-29 where 110 texts are listed; for some more recent 32 The texts are collected in Gibson, Christians.
finds, see C. Brixhe and lVI. Lejeune, 'Decouverte de la plus longue inscrip 33 Balboura 1 p. 78.
tion neo-phrygienne: !'inscription de Gezler Koyil', Kadmos 24 (1985) pp. 34 A reminiscence of the movement in Str. xiii 4. 17. See Balboura 1
161-84; C. Brixhe and T. Drew-Bear, 'Huit inscriptions neo-phrygiennes', pp. 62-7; T. Corsten, 'Termessos in Pisidien und die Griindung griechischer
in Frigi efrigio. Atti de/ 1" Simposio Internazionale, Roma, 16-17 ottobre 1995, Stadte in "Nord-Lykien"', in Euploia. La Lycie et la Carie antiques. Dynamiques
edd. R. Gusmani, M. Salvini, and P. Vannicelli (Rome, 1997) pp. 71-114; des territoires, echanges et identites. Actes du colloque de Bordeaux, 5, 6 et 7
C. Brixhe, 'Prolegomenes au corpus neo-phrygien', Bulletin de la societe de novembre 2009, edd. P. Brun, L. Cavalier, K. Konuk, and F. Prost (Bordeaux,
linguistique de Paris 94 (1999) pp. 285-315. 2013) pp. 77-83.
-
Xll INTRODUCTION
claim), but the power vacuum towards the end of this century of tombs were payable to Kibyra in the Imperial period, it is
was exploited by the Pisidians, in particular from Termessos, taken here to have been a dependent town. 40 The area with
to expand into the region. The newly founded or re-founded the rock-sanctuary of the Dioskouroi at Kozagac1 to the south
cities of the Kabalis must have been independent from Seleucid east of the city, as 1.vell as the environs of modern Golci.ik and
rule, as they were not incorporated into the Attalid kingdom K1z1lbel, are all assigned to the territory of Kibyra, 41 this last
after the peace of Apameia. In Imperial times, however, the being the only departure from Coulton's definition of Balbouran
southern part of the region, comprising Boubon, Balboura, territory. 42 Boubon was the smallest city in the Kabalis and also
and Oinoanda, was attached to the province of Lycia when had the least extensive territory. 43 In spite of their geographi
this was established in 43 AD, whereas Kibyra remained in the cal location on the fringes of the plain of Elmah, which forms
province of Asia to which it had belonged since about 84 or the core of the l\!Iilyas, the villages of Orpenna and Elbessos
82/1 BC.35 had become dependent on Oinoanda in the Imperial period. 44
The designations ancient writers employed for this region As everywhere in inland Asia Minor, the epigraphic evi
are not always entirely transparent. Thus, Strabo distinguishes dence dates very largely from the Imperial period and exhibits
first Kibyra and the Kabalis, but later establishes a connec a predictable dilution of the indigenous onomastics. However,
tion between the two by reporting that the Kabalis was occu the long allotment list from Balboura of the later Hellenistic
pied by the Kibyratans. He names Pisidia, the Milyas, Lykia, period contains some 320 named individuals, the vast major
and the Rhodian Peraia as the regions surrounding Kibyra, ity bearing Anatolian names, many of which reveal a close
unless he is speaking of the Kibyratan Tetrapolis at that connection with Pisidian Termessos. 45 A similar pattern of
point; for, even if probable, it is not obvious whether Strabo naming is likely to have prevailed in the other cities of this
counts Boubon, Balboura, and Oinoanda as Kabalian cities region, where names of Pisidian origin continue to be com
or not. 36 Ptolemy, on the other hand, follows the Roman pro paratively frequent in the Imperial period. On the other
vincial boundaries and, consequently, separates Kibyra, which hand, there are no names that can be attributed with certainty
he places in 'Greater Phrygia', from Boubon, Oinoanda, and to the Lydian or the obscure Solymian languages, which,
Balboura, which constitute the Kabalis. 37 according to Strabo (xiii 4. 17), were spoken in the Kibyratis
The boundaries of the Kibyratis-Kabalis and those of its in addition to Greek and Pisidian. 46
four cities cannot be determined in every detail and anyway
are likely to have changed over time; therefore we adhere to
Milyas
what is believed to have been the situation in the Imperial
period to which most of the personal names belong. 38 The The Milyas, and the Anatolian people called the Milyai or
western border with Karia is clearly marked by the Indos and l\llilyeis, are mentioned several times in connection with the
Kazanes valleys and the formidable Salbake mountain range, Kabalians, Lykians, and Pamphylians by Herodotos (i 173;
while the remaining borders are best defined by the territorial iii 90; vii 77). Where exactly these Milyai were settled and the
limits of its four cities. The territory of Kibyra consists mainly extent of the land they occupied is uncertain and likely to
of two large valleys, one in which the city itself is located and have varied over time.47 Following the treaty of Apameia in
another to its north-east containing a large private estate, 188 BC, the Attalid king Eumenes II was granted a large por
centred on the village of Alassos. 39 Inscriptions from this tion of inland Asia Minor, including Greater Phrygia, L ykaonia,
latter valley include lengthy lists of the farming population and the Milyas (Plb. xxi 46. 10). At that time the Milyas
from the second and third centuries AD, yielding 818 named might have encompassed a large area directly to the west of
individuals. A narrow defile to the north-west of Kibyra the Pisidian communities (Termessos, Kremna, Sagalassos),
gives access to the plain of modern Ac1payam, here treated as extending from the plain of modern Elmah (ancient Akarassos)
part of Phrygia, which, at least in its southern section, may as far north as the lake of Burdur. 48 In this volume the Milyas
have belonged to Kibyra in the Imperial period. Lagbe, at the describes a much more restricted space, confined to the small
eastern end of the Kibyra valley, was perhaps an independent cities and communities of the Elmali plain, leaving the Lysis
city in the Hellenistic period, but since fines for the violation valley and the Bozova plain as far as Isinda in Pisidia. 49
.15 The status of Boubon, Oinoanda, and Balboura between 84 BC and 43 42 Balboura 1 pp. 26-31 and 80-3; see the map with the putative territory
AD remains a vexed issue: SEC LV 1452; Xanthos 10 pp. 99-107; Balboura 1 of Balboura on p. 2 (fig. 1.2) and that delineating the borders between the
p. 123. For the date of 82/1 BC for the abolition of the Kibyratan Tetrapolis, four cities of the Tetrapolis on p. 27 (fig. 2.11 ).
see !VI.V itale, 'Kibyra, die Tetrapolis und IVIurena: eine neue Freiheitsara in 43 Kokkinia, Boubon pp. 12-14.
Boubon und Kibyra?', Chiron 42 (2012) pp. 551-66. 44 Xanthos 10 pp. 114-20 with figs 40 and 41; Balboura 1 pp. 29-30,
.1, Str. xiii 4. 14--17. J. J. Coulton, in Balboura 1 p. 10, assumes that, for cf. p. 27 fig. 2.11.
Strabo, 'the territory of these four cities constituted the whole of, or more 45 A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton (n. 40) pp. 130-2; cf. Balboura 1 pp. 65-7.
probably a large part of, a district called Kabalis'. 46 It is not clear what relationship Lydian names such as Kaooas and
.17 Ptol. v 2 (Kibyra) and v 4 (Kabalia). Kaows (LGPN V.A svv.) have with Ka8aas, Kaoaos, Kaoaovas, Kaoavas, and
.1s See Balboura 1 pp. 1 and 10-11 with fig. 1.9 (p. 13). Kaoovas, names which are attested in the Kibyratis-Kabalis and neighbour
.19 For the location of Alassos near the modern towns of Karmanh and ing parts of Pisidia. Complex names with Kao- as the first root element, as
Tefenni, see T. Corsten, T. Drew-Bear, and !VI.O zsait, 'Forschungen in der well as simple names, also occur in Isauria.
Kibyratis', Epigr. Anat. 30 (1998) pp. 50-7. 47 The evidence is discussed in detail in A. S. Hall, 'R.E.C.A.lVI. Notes
40 Balboura 1 p. xxii (modern names) and pp. 28, 30-1, and 98. A. S. Hall and Studies No. 9: The lVIilyadeis and their Territory', Anat. Stud. 36
and J. J. Coulton, 'A Hellenistic Allotment List from Balboura in the (1986) pp. 137-57. Several inscriptions bearing on the geography of the area
Kibyratis', Chiron 20 (1990) p. 128 n. 15, suggest that Lagbe was already have recently come to light and are treated by D. Rousset in Xanthos 10
under Kibyra's control in the Hellenistic period. pp. 6-12 no. 1 and pp. 135-52 nos. 4-6.
41 N. P. IVIilner, in Balboura 2 pp. 412-13, seems to count it under Balboura, .,s Str. xiii 4. 17 and A. S. Hall (n. 47) pp. 142-52.
whereas Coulton assigns it to the territory of Kibyra (see, e.g., his fig. 1.2 in 49 In an inscription from the L ysis valley the 'IVIilyadeis and the Roman
Balboura 1 p. 2). businessmen living among them and the Thracians settled among them' are
