Table Of Content5
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND SOCIAL INTERACTION
IN CRETE AT THE END OF THE BRONZE AGE (LM IIIC)
Katia Perna
According to the traditional interpretation, the beginning of to examine the changes which occurred in LM IIIC/sub-
the Aegean Dark Age, which coincides with the transition Minoan Crete in each discernable cultural ambit, paying
from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (hereafter LH/LM particular attention to the role played by the ‘peaceful’
IIIC, about 1190–1050 BCE; Warren and Hankey 1989), interaction between different groups, although these were
was a period of harsh instability. In this period, the Aegean in some cases based on competitive relationships, and to
political and economic system fell and the regions in this the reception and revision of old and new symbols, and of
area underwent a profound transformation: a territorial, foreign cultural influences.
economic and political reorganization that took place to
different degrees in different states, and was influenced by
migration of cohesive groups of people from the mainland
Settlement patterns
to the Aegean islands, with the consequent creation of a
new cultural koiné (Desborough 1972). At the end of LM IIIB and the beginning of LM IIIC a
The identification of elements typical of distinct cultures, number of important coastal centers were abandoned in
particularly Minoan and Mycenaean aspects, has been the Crete, probably in relation to a decline in the sea-trade or
usual framework for interpreting the changes in the cultural to the abandonment of some trade routes. Nevertheless, the
reality of Crete at the end of LM IIIB and during the course sea-trade did not entirely disappear, as the survival of some
of the LM IIIC. In fact, the archaeological evidence of LM coastal centres (Amnisos and Chania) and the installation of
IIIC Crete makes it clear that a number of cultural regions the new ones (Elias to Nisi and Palaikastro Kastri) shows.
formed, with different settlement types, burial customs and This is also confirmed by the arrival of products of north-
religious expressions, most notably between upland and European and Italic type on the island (see Bouzek 1985,
lowland settlements, and between the centres of eastern 143–5, 159–60). Simultaneously, many new settlements
Crete and those on the rest of the island. However, the arose, particularly on the numerous mountains of the
distinction of phenomena such as cultural interaction, and island, which had been usually considered refuge sites
acculturation or the individuation of different ethnic groups (Nowicki 2000). But in many cases the reason for their
through archaeological data is not without difficulty (Jones foundation was probably due to the desire to control land
1997, 106–10, 119–27). As post-processualist archaeologists routes, and to exploit the pasture and agricultural potential
affirm (Hodder 1991), in contrast with normative or of the land (Haggis 1993). Indeed, in this period primary
deterministic readings of archaeological data, the actions production activities became the mainstay for the economy
of people and their material productions could have been of the inland settlements, and there was an increase in
influenced by many factors, and could have been an answer animal husbandry (Borgna 2003, 154–5; Wallace 2003).
to needs of affirmation and ideological representation by Because of their economic activities these internal upland
some groups, or be the product of the manipulation of settlements probably provided the lowland centres with
symbols and ideas. agricultural products, livestock and textiles in exchange
In light of these possibilities, the aim of this paper is for finished goods. Harbours and lowland centres, on the
40 Katia Perna
other hand, would have been the entry points for exotic be controlled by a central power, and managed by an elite
goods, which could warrant maintaining overseas relations group. In early the LM IIIC at Knossos, a new settlement
and the survival of a wider exchange system (Borgna 2003, was established at the current site of the Stratigraphical
160–1, 163). Museum which was inhabited until the sub-Minoan–early
This model is particularly suitable for eastern Crete, Protogeometric periods. In the preliminary report Peter
where the settlement system seems to have been based on Warren (Warren 1982–83, 74) noted that some elements hint
the foundation of small centres around the more productive to direct contacts with overseas people: an imported Italian
areas. Some centres arose in a position that allowed the knife, an apsidal building, and a sub-floor infant burial which
control of the surrounding land, and showed a defined spatial recall Mycenaean models and usage. But during its lifetime
organization, such as those at Kavousi Kastro and Vronda some old necropolies were employed, such as that at Upper
(Coulson 1997; Preston Day 1997), Karphi (Pendlebury et Gypsadhes, while old tombs were reused at Kephala and at
al. 1937–38), Chalasmenos (Coulson and Tsipopoulou 1994) Aghios Ioannis. During the sub-Minoan, moreover, a new
and Vasiliki Kephala (Eliopoulos 1998). Gradually the new necropolis was established at the North Cemetery. Therefore,
upland centres grew and consolidated their position on the it seems that in the LM IIIC Knossos was open to extra-
territory. The presence of ‘foreign’ products in settlements island contacts and received new cultural inputs, but there
and tombs (Bouzek 1985; Tsipopoulou et al. 2003, 112–18) was a sudden break with the oldest burial traditions and
particularly in the second half of the period, hint to an there was a reorganisation of the settlement, in the ambit of
increased potential to maintain external relationships. a substantial continuity in the occupation of the land.
The spatial organization of these centres shows some The new upland settlements at Erganos (Halbherr 1901)
novelties: they had free standing shrines (Temple G at and Prinias (Rizza 1996; Perna 2006) show some features
Kavousi Vronda, Temple 1 at Karphi, Temple E at Vasiliki similar to the upland eastern settlements, particularly in
and the shrine at Chalasmenos), for example, and prominent religious or burial customs (see below), which implies
buildings (Building A-B at Kavousi Vronda, the Great that the settlers perceived some cultural traditions as very
House at Karphi, the Building A at Vasiliki Kephala, the important elements. Western Crete was less populated in
Megara at Chalasmenos) probably designated to the political LM IIIC than in the LM IIIA–B. In the first half of LM IIIC
authority (Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 208–10, 218–20). Some some old centres as Chania remained active (Hallager and
of these building have been related to foreign architectural Pålsson Hallager 2000) and new ones were founded, such as
models. In particular, the megara at Chalasmenos and at Chamalevri (Andreadaki Vlasaki and Papadopoulou 2005)
Karphi and the room with central heart in the sanctuary near the northern coast, and Sybrita (Prokopiou 1997) in
at Vasiliki Kephala, as well as other elements such as the the Amari valley. In these centres a particular ritual practice
presence of many Mycenaean pottery shapes, new cooking is attested, in which pits were filled with pottery sherds,
habits, new religious iconographies, and so forth, directly pebbles and bronze objects. They have been interpreted as
referred to Mycenaean people in the opinion of many the final act of common meals, during which new settlers,
scholars (Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 219; D’Agata 2001, often coming from different areas of the island and involved
350; Tsipopoulou 2005, 322–4), potentially as rulers. in the management of the resources of the land, interacted. In
Nevertheless, particularly at Karphi and Chalasmenos, other the middle of the period either Chania or Chamalevri were
buildings show many traditional architectural features such deserted, whereas Sybrita grew and developed, transforming
as the bench rooms in the shrines, or the oblunge rectangular its social and political structures (D’Agata 1997–2000,
rooms in some houses (Building A-B at Kavousi Vronda), 58–9). Therefore, although Sybrita was an upland centre its
and it is therefore probable that the megaron itself was rise and development seem to be very different from those of
present in Crete during the palatial period. The mixed the eastern uplands, less linked to old traditions and tending
character of the architecture does not need to be explained to the experimentation of new social strategies.
by presence of a mixed population, as it could have resulted
through the acquisition of Mycenaean models during a long
interaction between them and the Cretan people.
Religion
Central Crete shows different situation. The centres
of Knossos and Festos, continuously inhabited from the One of the most distinctive traits of this period was the cult
previous period, seem to have been the main centres of of the goddess with upraised arms (Alexiou 1958; Gesell
large areas of surrounding land. Recently Elisabetta Borgna 1985, 41–6; Prent 2005, 174–84, 616–20). This was a
(2004), starting from the analysis of the pottery of the Minoan divinity, who was worshipped during the LM IIIA–
Acropoli Mediana, has proposed a reconstruction of the LM B above all in the central-eastern part of the island, at Gazi,
IIIC Festos as a lead centre in which many groups, some of Gournià, Haghia Triada and Kannià. In LM IIIB, the shrine
which extra-island foreigners, formed the social body. The of the goddess was an independent building which was often
interaction and competition between these groups could articulated into several rooms and linked to a more-or-less
5 Cultural Identity and Social Interaction in Crete at the End of the Bronze Age (LM IIIC) 41
ample open court (Perna in press). According to a specific way. Among the new religious expressions, a cult consisting
religious protocol she was furnished with a specialized set of in the deposition of animal and fantastic-being figurines in
ritual objects (snake tubes, kalathoi, pinakes and fenestrate open air sanctuaries is attested at Tylissos (Kanta in press)
stands). In some centres the organization of her cult achieved and at Haghia Triada (D’Agata 1999). In the latter site the
a noteworthy complexity. The shrine at Kavousi Vronda, open sanctuary was established after the settlement was
for instance contained a conspicuous number of goddess’ abandoned, and figurines of bulls, sacred horns and fantastic
statues. Given the character of this centre, the main one of subjects were placed within it. As well as traditional Minoan
a cluster site, as Anna Lucia D’Agata (D’Agata 2001, 349) figurines, foreign technical and iconographic components
has observed, it is possible that many groups participated (such as the sphinx) have been identified in some of the
to the festival in honour of the goddess. These meetings votive depositions (D’Agata 1999, 233–9). Similar features
could be a useful moment to strengthen alliances and to are shown by the more important cult-place in the western
come to common agreements in order to better exploit the area, the sacred cave of Pathos (Korou and Karetsou 1994),
lands’ resources. in which animal and human figurines were placed. These cult
At Karphi the presence of a number of shrines dedicated habits, which were very different from those in eastern Crete,
to the goddess with upraised arms has been explained as make it clear that in central-western Crete the religious
the result of the absence of a central authority (D’Agata culture incorporated new influences, probably due to a more
2001, 348–9), or as the sign of the existence of a great dialectic relationships with foreign people.
sacred area which represented a reference point for the
surrounding land (Perna 2004). Karphi was certainly open
to overseas trade, as the presence of some European and
Burials
Cypriot objects shows, and although it is possible that
these relations were mediated by other Cretan centres the The burial culture of eastern Crete was very characteristic.
possibility that this centre received direct external inputs Tholoi tombs were widespread in the necropolis, whereas
cannot be excluded. Nevertheless, the traditional matrix of chamber tombs, which were very common in LM IIIA2–B
the cult is evident. At Vasiliki Kephala, on the other hand, (Perna 2001) became very rare and are attested only in sites
the shrine of the goddess was embedded in a more complex, continuously occupied from LM IIIA–C, such as Myrsini
multi-room sacred building in which diverse ritual activities Aspropilia (Daux 1960, 819–21), Kritsa Kato Lakkoi and
had to have taken place (Eliopoulos 1998, 310). Here, some Katharos (Platon 1951, 444–5; Tsipopoulou and Little 2001)
architectural features, such as the presence of a room with and Praisos Kapsalos (Kanta 1980, 179–81). In the latter
two columns which flanked a hearth, and the attestation of two, however, they coexisted with tholoi tombs. These tholoi
an enthroned goddess, recall religious practices from the presented new features and their aspect was less monumental
mainland (D’Agata 2001, 350). The Isthmus of Ierapetra than Minoan ones. Nevertheless, their link to some oldest
was certainly in contact with the rest of the Aegean, as the Cretan tholoi has been underlined (Kanta 1997), and it is
presence of mainland pottery in the area of Vasiliki shows. evident in the case of the above-ground ones at Karphi
The sanctuary at Vasiliki Kephala, perhaps, was also a (Pendlebury et al. 1937–38, 100–9) and Siderokephala
point of reference in the region and the reception of some (Taramelli 1899, 402–6). Some Minoan tholoi were reused
mainland characteristics could be due to the presence of a by the LM III people, such as at Haghia Triada and
mixed population or to a deep relationship with mainland Archanes in LM IIIA1–2 (Cucuzza 2002), at Knossos
people. Kephala in LM IIIC (Cadogan 1967), and at Valis in the
The religious choice of the upland eastern centres seems Messara plain during the sub-Minoan (Davaras 1973, 164).
to remain in line with local tradition. The cult of the goddess Minoan and LM III tholoi were often used as landmarks
represented a link with the past for the new settlers. Under (Belli 1997, 252–3), or as ideological means to affirm an
her protection they could recognize in themselves a common identity (Cucuzza 2002). The construction of LM IIIC ones
background and became part of a new community. Local required care and tholoi have to have had a visual impact
differences in the cult of the goddess were probably due to in the territories in which lain, and it is likely that people
the different composition of the social body, and to the more who chose them shared a common cultural background
or less strong reception of new contributors. and recalled it in order to legitimize their presence in a
In central Crete new forms of religious expressions territory just occupied. The contributions of other people
appeared during the course of the LM IIIC, supplanting who modified the type cannot be ruled out (Belli 2006),
the previously widespread worship of the goddess with but I think that tholos was perceived as a traditional type
the upraised arms. However, this cult survived at Prinias of tomb and consciously adopted as a symbol of cultural
(Palermo 1999) and at Knossos, where during the sub- identity by internal settlers.
Minoan period the goddess was honoured in the Spring Continuity with a local tradition is also evident in the use,
Chamber (Evans 1921–35, II, 129–30), though in a different in the eastern part of the island, of caves and rock-shelters
42 Katia Perna
as tombs, such as had been used since the Early Minoan the furniture, as had happened in the older cemetery at
period, and in the custom to place the burial container Kalyvia (Savignoni 1904, 505–27). The absence of status
(usually a pithos) in upside-down position, as attested at symbols could perhaps be the sign of a poorer society, but
Piskokephalo Berati (Platon 1952, 639–41) and Vrokastro the data coming from the settlements of Phaistos seem to
Chavga (Hall 1914, 173) where it had been practised since hint a different situation (see above). The homogeneity of
the Early Minoan at Voros, for example, and in the Middle the burials, then, could be due to the need to avoid any
Minoan at such sites as a Porti, Pachyammos, Sphoungaras ostentation, in spite of the presence in the social body of
and Mochlos. It was still in use during LM IIIA at Palaikastro many heterogeneous groups and in order to favour social
and Mallia (Perna 2003, 22). interaction (Borgna 2003, 171).
Buried individuals were accompanied by a broad sel- In the upland sites of the central area such as Erganos
ection of furniture, prevalently consisting of a pottery set. A (Halbherr 1901, 262–81) and, in the late LM IIIC–sub-
small number of tombs, however, contained precious objects Minoan, Prinias (Rizza 1996; in press), tholoi tombs were
and weapons, such as at Myrsini (Platon 1959, 372–3), adopted. The tombs at Erganos also lacked precious objects
Mouliana (Xanthoudidis 1904) and Vasiliki H. Teodoros and weapons, and contained only an essential pottery set.
(Seager 1906–7, 129–32). In the richer tombs the pottery set The later tombs at Prinias Siderospilia portray a different
consisted of a few closed vessels, and the placing of these situation. Between the end of the LM IIIC and the start of
beside one or two male corpses, in spite of the presence of the sub-Minoan an evident biritualism is attested in this
higher-value goods, hints at an accentuation of individuality necropolis and contemporaneously at the Knossos North
that contrasts with the deposition of complete pottery sets Cemetery: cremations in pit tombs were present at Prinias
inside family tombs. (Rizza 1996), where inhumed corpses were buried in
The diffusion of cremation in this period is usually tholos tombs, while cremation in pit-caves coexisted with
adduced to the arrival of newcomers. Cremation had inhumations in chamber tombs at Knossos (Coldstream
appeared on the island in LM IIIA2 at Olous (Kanta 2001), and Catling 1996). In both centres the cremated individuals
but during LM IIIC and sub-Minoan became widespread. were accompanied by weapons and precious objects.
Nevertheless, in this period cremated corpses were buried This situation is consistent with the cremated burials at
in the same tombs with inhumations and, in some cases, Tylissos Atzolou (Marinatos 1931) and Archanes Kato
were contained in the same burial vase, such as in the tholos Lakkos (Sapouna-Sakellarakis 1990, 75–6), where pit-
at Kapsalos (Platon 1960, 303–5) in the Praisos area, and tombs which contained individual cremated corpses were
perhaps in the chamber tomb at Kritsa (Tsipopoulou and also accompanied by weapons. This seems to indicate that
Little 2001, 86), where cremation urns were placed directly cremation was linked to groups who differentiated them
inside the larnax where the inhumed corpse was lain. The from those who chose inhumation, but nevertheless these
cremated individuals were contained inside a typical Minoan burials show some link with the island burial background.
vessel, a decorated pyxis with straight sides. In a tholos The cremations at Knossos were placed in a traditional local
at Erganos, this type of vessel was used to contain the tomb, the pit-cave: in tomb AI at Prinias (Biondi in press)
bones of an inhumed individual in a secondary burial, and the cremation was placed in a pithos in upturned position,
consequently it doesn’t seem that cremated individuals were and their grave goods compare with those of other LM IIIC
considered ‘others’ in respect to the social body. They were Cretan inhumed burials, whether placed in tholoi or chamber
buried in typical Minoan tombs and, according to Cretan tombs. In my opinion these elements do not favour ethnic
ritual protocol, their burial furniture was very similar to that separation. From a social perspective it is interesting to
was laid near inhumed corpses. If the cremation pertained to note that with the exception of the tombs 200–202 of the
foreign people then it is plausible to suppose that they were North Cemetery of Knossos, in which a group (probably
integrated in the host society. Cremation was not a status a family group) with rich furniture was buried, cremation
symbol, because the richer burials of eastern Crete were was confined to individual male burials and consequently
inhumation. Nevertheless, the cremated corpses of eastern exalted the individuality of the dead. Burnt individuals were
Crete were males and this could hint a social significance in fact buried alone inside a tomb which could contain only
in the adoption of this rite. one corpse, and were accompanied by few objects, often of
Few LM IIIC/sub-Minoan cemeteries are known in ‘foreign’ type (Catling 1995), which perhaps were intended
central Crete, but the evidence offered by the necropolis as exclusive and exotic goods. This tendency could be
of Liliana at Festos and, later, by the North Cemetery at the sign of a different social organization, in which some
Knossos show that the burial culture in the lowland centres individual were emerging and using an elite ideology, very
of this part of the island had many similarities to those of the similar to the older one displayed in Mycenaean shaft-
previous period (LM IIIA–B). In the necropolis at Liliana graves, and a new ritual to affirm their social role.
(Savignoni 1904, 628–49), burials continued in chamber Similar features are attested also in western Crete. In
tombs but without the inclusion of precious objects with this part of the island individual burials seem to have been
5 Cultural Identity and Social Interaction in Crete at the End of the Bronze Age (LM IIIC) 43
preferred to family ones, which were the prevailing type Concluding remarks
during the LM IIIA–B. At Voliones (Pologhiorghi 1981), in
The observation that different areas of Crete had different
the area of Rethymnon, LM IIIB/C larnakes with inhumed
social, religious and funerary practices clashes with the idea
corpses were buried in the ground, and in the late LM IIIC
of a cultural homogeneity, sometimes interrupted by the
cemetery at Atsipadhes cremations in urns, accompanied by
arrival of extra-island newcomers, and testifies to diversified
a few personal objects and one or two closed vases, were
societies which established reciprocal relationships due to
placed on the ground (Agelarakis et al. 2001). This latter
a flow communication between the centres of the island.
cemetery is the only one in LM IIIC Crete exclusively
The introduction of new rituals, iconographies and metal
formed by cremations, and could be inferred as belonging to
objects (Naue II swords, Peschiera daggers, etc.) show
a non-Cretan people (Agelarakis et al. 2001). The building
that people, ideas, and goods arrived in Crete and perhaps
of an above-ground tholos at Pantanassa (Tegou 2001) in
mixed with local people, traditions and productions, but
the sub-Minoan is consistent with similar burial buildings
does not presuppose an invasion of consistent groups of
of eastern Crete. Therefore, the presence of cremations
people that imposed their habits. The gradual and non-
with rich furniture and weapons inside this tomb recall the
traumatic penetration of new cultural elements could be a
sub-Minoan cremations of central and eastern Crete. It is
consequence of more subtle factors such as trade, peaceful
very difficult to try to explain the particular situation in this
micro-mobility of Aegean groups, and reciprocal exchange
area, but given the similarities noted between it and the
of knowledge and traditions. Also the internal movement
central area it is probable that also here changes in the burial
of Cretan people from some areas of the island to others,
customs reflected transformation in social structures.
testified by the abandonment of some settlements and the
foundation of others, probably favoured the syncretism of
different traditions. The needs of settlers who occupied new
lands likely determined the spatial organization in the new
settlements, whereas religious activities and traditional burial
symbols allowed them to not be foreigners in a new land.
